Immanuel Kant
German philosopher
born April 22, 1724, Königsberg, Prussia [now Kaliningrad, Russia]
died February 12, 1804, Königsberg
Main
German philosopher whose comprehensive and systematic work in the theory
of knowledge, ethics, and aesthetics greatly influenced all subsequent
philosophy, especially the various schools of Kantianism and Idealism.
Kant was the foremost thinker of the Enlightenment and one of the
greatest philosophers of all time. In him were subsumed new trends that
had begun with the Rationalism (stressing reason) of René Descartes and
the Empiricism (stressing experience) of Francis Bacon. He thus
inaugurated a new era in the development of philosophical thought.
Background and early years
Kant lived in the remote province where he was born for his entire life.
His father, a saddler, was, according to Kant, a descendant of a
Scottish immigrant, although scholars have found no basis for this
claim; his mother, an uneducated German woman, was remarkable for her
character and natural intelligence. Both parents were devoted followers
of the Pietist branch of the Lutheran Church, which taught that religion
belongs to the inner life expressed in simplicity and obedience to moral
law. The influence of their pastor made it possible for Kant—the fourth
of nine children, but the eldest surviving child—to obtain an education.
At the age of eight Kant entered the Pietist school that his pastor
directed. This was a Latin school, and it was presumably during the
eight and a half years he was there that Kant acquired his lifelong love
for the Latin classics, especially for the naturalistic poet Lucretius.
In 1740 he enrolled in the University of Königsberg as a theological
student. But, although he attended courses in theology and even preached
on a few occasions, he was principally attracted to mathematics and
physics. Aided by a young professor who had studied Christian Wolff, a
systematizer of Rationalist philosophy, and who was also an enthusiast
for the science of Sir Isaac Newton, Kant began reading the work of the
English physicist and, in 1744, started his first book, dealing with a
problem concerning kinetic forces. Though by that time he had decided to
pursue an academic career, the death of his father in 1746 and his
failure to obtain the post of undertutor in one of the schools attached
to the university compelled him to withdraw and seek a means of
supporting himself.
Background and early years » Tutor and Privatdozent
He found employment as a family tutor and, during the nine years that he
gave to it, worked for three different families. With them he was
introduced to the influential society of the city, acquired social
grace, and made his farthest travels from his native city—some 60 miles
(96 kilometres) away to the town of Arnsdorf. In 1755, aided by the
kindness of a friend, he was able to complete his degree at the
university and take up the position of Privatdozent, or lecturer.
Three dissertations that he presented on obtaining this post indicate
the interest and direction of his thought at this time. In one, De Igne
(On Fire), he argued that bodies operate on one another through the
medium of a uniformly diffused elastic and subtle matter that is the
underlying substance of both heat and light. His first teaching was in
mathematics and physics, and he was never to lose his interest in
scientific developments. That it was more than an amateur interest is
shown by his publication within the next few years of several scientific
works dealing with the different races of men, the nature of winds, the
causes of earthquakes, and the general theory of the heavens.
At this period Newtonian physics was important to Kant as much for
its philosophical implications as for its scientific content. A second
dissertation, the Monodologia physica (1756), contrasted the Newtonian
methods of thinking with those employed in the philosophy then
prevailing in German universities. This was the philosophy of Gottfried
Wilhelm Leibniz, a universal scholar, as systematized and popularized by
Wolff and by Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten, author of a widely used
text, the Metaphysica (1739). Leibniz’ works as they are now known were
not fully available to these writers; and the Leibnizian philosophy that
they presented was extravagantly Rationalistic, abstract, and
cut-and-dried. It nevertheless remained a powerful force, and the main
efforts of independent thinkers in Germany at the time were devoted to
examining Leibniz’s ideas.
In a third dissertation, Principiorum Primorum Cognitionis
Metaphysicae Nova Dilucidato (1755), on the first principles of
metaphysics, Kant analyzed especially the principle of sufficient
reason, which, in Wolff’s formulation, asserts that for everything there
is a sufficient reason why it should be rather than not be. Although
critical, Kant was cautious and still a long way from challenging the
assumptions of Leibnizian metaphysics.
During the 15 years that he spent as a Privatdozent, Kant’s renown as
a teacher and writer steadily increased. Soon he was lecturing on many
subjects other than physics and mathematics—including logic,
metaphysics, and moral philosophy. He even lectured on fireworks and
fortifications and every summer for 30 years taught a popular course on
physical geography. He enjoyed great success as a lecturer; his
lecturing style, which differed markedly from that of his books, was
humorous and vivid, enlivened by many examples from his reading in
English and French literature, and in travel and geography, science and
philosophy.
Although he twice failed to obtain a professorship at Königsberg, he
refused to accept offers that would have taken him elsewhere—including
the professorship of poetry at Berlin that would have brought greater
prestige. He preferred the peace and quiet of his native city in which
to develop and mature his own philosophy.

Background and early years » Critic of Leibnizian Rationalism
During the 1760s he became increasingly critical of Leibnizianism.
According to one of his students, Kant was then attacking Leibniz,
Wolff, and Baumgarten, was a declared follower of Newton, and expressed
great admiration for the moral philosophy of the Romanticist
Jean-Jacques Rousseau.
His principal work of this period was Untersuchung über die
Deutlichkeit der Grundsätze der natürlichen Theologie und der Moral
(1764; “An Inquiry into the Distinctness of the Fundamental Principles
of Natural Theology and Morals”). In this work he attacked the claim of
Leibnizian philosophy that philosophy should model itself on mathematics
and aim at constructing a chain of demonstrated truths based on
self-evident premises. Kant argued that mathematics proceeds from
definitions that are arbitrary, by means of operations that are clearly
and sharply defined, upon concepts that can be exhibited in concrete
form. In contrast with this method, he argued that philosophy must begin
with concepts that are already given, “though confusedly or
insufficiently determined,” so that philosophers cannot begin with
definitions without thereby shutting themselves up within a circle of
words. Philosophy cannot, like mathematics, proceed synthetically; it
must analyze and clarify. The importance of the moral order, which he
had learned from Rousseau, reinforced the conviction received from his
study of Newton that a synthetic philosophy is empty and false.
Besides attacking the methods of the Leibnizians, he also began
criticizing their leading ideas. In an essay Versuch, den Begriff der
negativen Grössen in die Weltweisheit ein-zuführen (1763), he argued
that physical opposition as encountered in things cannot be reduced to
logical contradiction, in which the same predicate is both affirmed and
denied, and, hence, that it is pointless to reduce causality to the
logical relation of antecedent and consequent. In an essay of the same
year, Der einzig mögliche Beweisgrund zu einer Demonstration des Daseyns
Gottes, he sharply criticized the Leibnizian concept of Being by
charging that the so-called ontological argument, which would prove the
existence of God by logic alone, is fallacious because it confuses
existential with attributive statements: existence, he declared, is not
a predicate of attribution. Moreover, with regard to the nature of
space, Kant sided with Newton in his confrontation with Leibniz.
Leibniz’ view that space is “an order of co-existences” and that spatial
differences can be stated in conceptual terms, he concluded to be
untenable.
Some indication of a possible alternative of Kant’s own to the
Leibnizian position can be gathered from his curious Träume eines
Geistersehers erläutert durch Träume der Metaphysik (1766). This work is
an examination of the whole notion of a world of spirits, in the context
of an inquiry into the spiritualist claims of Emanuel Swedenborg, a
scientist and biblical scholar. Kant’s position at first seems to have
been completely skeptical, and the influence of the Scottish Skeptic
David Hume is more apparent here than in any previous work; it was Hume,
he later claimed, who first awoke him from his dogmatic slumbers. Yet
Kant was not so much arguing that the notion of a world of spirits is
illusory as insisting that men have no insight into the nature of such a
world, a conclusion that has devastating implications for metaphysics as
the Leibnizians conceived it. Metaphysicians can dream as well as
spiritualists, but this is not to say that their dreams are necessarily
empty; there are already hints that moral experience can give content to
the ideal of an “intelligible world.” Rousseau thus acted upon Kant here
as a counterinfluence to Hume.
Background and early years » Early years of the professorship at
Königsberg
Finally, in 1770, after serving for 15 years as a Privatdozent, Kant was
appointed to the chair of logic and metaphysics, a position in which he
remained active until a few years before his death. In this
period—usually called his critical period, because in it he wrote his
great Critiques—he published an astounding series of original works on a
wide variety of topics, in which he elaborated and expounded his
philosophy.
The Inaugural Dissertation of 1770 that he delivered on assuming his
new position already contained many of the important elements of his
mature philosophy. As indicated in its title, De Mundi Sensibilis atque
Intelligibilis Forma et Principiis: Dissertatio, the implicit dualism of
the Träume is made explicit; and it is made so on the basis of a wholly
un-Leibnizian interpretation of the distinction between sense and
understanding. Sense is not, as Leibniz had supposed, a confused form of
thinking but a source of knowledge in its own right, although the
objects so known are still only “appearances”—the term that Leibniz also
used. They are appearances because all sensing is conditioned by the
presence, in sensibility, of the forms of time and space, which are not
objective characteristics or frameworks of things but “pure intuitions.”
But though all knowledge of things sensible is thus of phenomena, it
does not follow that nothing is known of things as they are in
themselves. Certainly, man has no intuition, or direct insight, into an
intelligible world; but the presence in him of certain “pure
intellectual concepts, such as those of possibility, existence,
necessity, substance, cause, enables him to have some descriptive
knowledge of it. By means of these concepts he can arrive at an exemplar
that provides him with “the common measure of all other things as far as
real.” This exemplar gives man an idea of perfection for both the
theoretical and practical orders: in the first, it is that of the
Supreme Being, God; in the latter, that of moral perfection.
After the Dissertation, Kant published virtually nothing for 11
years. Yet, in submitting the Dissertation to a friend at the time of
its publication, he wrote:
About a year since I attained that concept which I do not fear ever
to be obliged to alter, though I may have to widen it, and by which all
sorts of metaphysical questions can be tested in accordance with
entirely safe and easy criteria, and a sure decision reached as to
whether they are soluble or insoluble.
Period of the three “critiques”
In 1781 the Kritik der reinen Vernunft (spelled “Critik” in the first
edition; Critique of Pure Reason) was published, followed for the next
nine years by great and original works that in a short time brought a
revolution in philosophical thought and established the new direction in
which it was to go in the years to come.
Period of the three “critiques” » The Critique of Pure Reason
The Critique of Pure Reason was the result of some 10 years of thinking
and meditation. Yet, even so, Kant published the first edition only
reluctantly after many postponements; for although convinced of the
truth of its doctrine, he was uncertain and doubtful about its
exposition. His misgivings proved well-founded, and Kant complained that
interpreters and critics of the work were badly misunderstanding it. To
correct these wrong interpretations of his thought he wrote the
Prolegomena zu einer jeden künftigen Metaphysik die als Wissenschaft
wird auftreten können (1783) and brought out a second and revised
edition of the first “critique” in 1787. Controversy still continues
regarding the merits of the two editions: readers with a preference for
an Idealistic interpretation usually prefer the first edition, whereas
those with a Realistic view adhere to the second. But with regard to
difficulty and ease of reading and understanding, it is generally agreed
that there is little to choose between them. Anyone on first opening
either book finds it overwhelmingly difficult and impenetrably obscure.
The cause for this difficulty can be traced in part to the works that
Kant took as his models for philosophical writing. He was the first
great modern philosopher to spend all of his time and efforts as a
university professor of the subject. Regulations required that in all
lecturing a certain set of books be used, with the result that all of
Kant’s teaching in philosophy had been based on such handbooks as those
of Wolff and Baumgarten, which abounded in technical jargon, artificial
and schematic divisions, and great claims to completeness. Following
their example, Kant accordingly provided a highly artificial, rigid, and
by no means immediately illuminating scaffolding for all three of his
Critiques.
The Critique of Pure Reason, after an introduction, is divided into
two parts, of very different lengths: A “Transcendental Doctrine of
Elements,” running to almost 400 pages in a typical edition, followed by
a “Transcendental Doctrine of Method,” which reaches scarcely 80 pages.
The “. . . Elements” deals with the sources of human knowledge, whereas
the “. . . Method” draws up a methodology for the use of “pure reason”
and its a priori ideas. Both are “transcendental,” in that they are
presumed to analyze the roots of all knowledge and the conditions of all
possible experience. The “Elements” is divided, in turn, into a
“Transcendental Aesthetic,” a “Transcendental Analytic,” and a
“Transcendental Dialectic.”
The simplest way of describing the contents of the Critique is to say
that it is a treatise about metaphysics: it seeks to show the
impossibility of one sort of metaphysics and to lay the foundations for
another. The Leibnizian metaphysics, the object of his attack, is
criticized for assuming that the human mind can arrive, by pure thought,
at truths about entities, which, by their very nature, can never be
objects of experience, such as God, human freedom, and immortality. Kant
maintained, however, that the mind has no such power and that the
vaunted metaphysics is thus a sham.
As Kant saw it, the problem of metaphysics, as indeed of any science,
is to explain how, on the one hand, its principles can be necessary and
universal (such being a condition for any knowledge that is scientific)
and yet, on the other hand, involve also a knowledge of the real and so
provide the investigator with the possibility of more knowledge than is
analytically contained in what he already knows; i.e., than is implicit
in the meaning alone. To meet these two conditions, Kant maintained,
knowledge must rest on judgments that are a priori, for it is only as
they are separate from the contingencies of experience that they could
be necessary and yet also synthetic; i.e., so that the predicate term
contains something more than is analytically contained in the subject.
Thus, for example, the proposition that all bodies are extended is not
synthetic but analytic because the notion of extension is contained in
the very notion of body; whereas the proposition that all bodies are
heavy is synthetic because weight supposes, in addition to the notion of
body, that of bodies in relation to one another. Hence, the basic
problem, as Kant formulated it, is to determine “How [i.e., under what
conditions] are synthetic a priori judgments possible?”
This problem arises, according to Kant, in three fields, viz., in
mathematics, physics, and metaphysics; and the three main divisions of
the first part of the Critique deal respectively with these. In the
“Transcendental Aesthetic,” Kant argued that mathematics necessarily
deals with space and time and then claimed that these are both a priori
forms of human sensibility that condition whatever is apprehended
through the senses. In the “Transcendental Analytic,” the most crucial
as well as the most difficult part of the book, he maintained that
physics is a priori and synthetic because in its ordering of experience
it uses concepts of a special sort. These concepts—“categories,” he
called them—are not so much read out of experience as read into it and,
hence, are a priori, or pure, as opposed to empirical. But they differ
from empirical concepts in something more than their origin: their whole
role in knowledge is different; for, whereas empirical concepts serve to
correlate particular experiences and so to bring out in a detailed way
how experience is ordered, the categories have the function of
prescribing the general form that this detailed order must take. They
belong, as it were, to the very framework of knowledge. But although
they are indispensable for objective knowledge, the sole knowledge that
the categories can yield is of objects of possible experience; they
yield valid and real knowledge only when they are ordering what is given
through sense in space and time.
In the “Transcendental Dialectic” Kant turned to consideration of a
priori synthetic judgments in metaphysics. Here, he claimed, the
situation is just the reverse from what it was in mathematics and
physics. Metaphysics cuts itself off from sense experience in attempting
to go beyond it and, for this very reason, fails to attain a single true
a priori synthetic judgment. To justify this claim, Kant analyzed the
use that metaphysics makes of the concept of the unconditioned. Reason,
according to Kant, seeks for the unconditioned or absolute in three
distinct spheres: (1) in philosophical psychology it seeks for an
absolute subject of knowledge; (2) in the sphere of cosmology, it seeks
for an absolute beginning of things in time, for an absolute limit to
them in space, and for an absolute limit to their divisibility; and (3)
in the sphere of theology, it seeks for an absolute condition for all
things. In each case, Kant claimed to show that the attempt is doomed to
failure by leading to an antinomy in which equally good reasons can be
given for both the affirmative and the negative position. The
metaphysical “sciences” of rational psychology, rational cosmology, and
natural theology, familiar to Kant from the text of Baumgarten, on which
he had to comment in his lectures, thus turn out to be without
foundation.
With this work, Kant proudly asserted that he had accomplished a
Copernican revolution in philosophy. Just as the founder of modern
astronomy, Nicolaus Copernicus, had explained the apparent movements of
the stars by ascribing them partly to the movement of the observers, so
Kant had accounted for the application of the mind’s a priori principles
to objects by demonstrating that the objects conform to the mind: in
knowing, it is not the mind that conforms to things but instead things
that conform to the mind.

Period of the three “critiques” » The Critique of Practical Reason
Because of his insistence on the need for an empirical component in
knowledge and his antipathy to speculative metaphysics, Kant is
sometimes presented as a Positivist before his time; and his attack upon
metaphysics was held by many in his own day to bring both religion and
morality down with it. Such, however, was certainly far from Kant’s
intention. Not only did he propose to put metaphysics “on the sure path
of science,” he was prepared also to say that he “inevitably” believed
in the existence of God and in a future life. It is also true that his
original conception of his critical philosophy anticipated the
preparation of a critique of moral philosophy. The Kritik der
praktischen Vernunft (1788, spelled “Critik” and “practischen”; Critique
of Practical Reason), the result of this intention, is the standard
source book for his ethical doctrines. The earlier Grundlegung zur
Metaphysik der Sitten (1785) is a shorter and, despite its title, more
readily comprehensible treatment of the same general topic. Both differ
from Die Metaphysik der Sitten (1797) in that they deal with pure ethics
and try to elucidate basic principles; whereas the later work is
concerned with applying what they establish in the concrete, a process
that involved the consideration of virtues and vices and the foundations
of law and politics.
There are many points of similarity between Kant’s ethics and his
epistemology, or theory of knowledge. He used the same scaffolding for
both—a “Doctrine of Elements,” including an “Analytic” and a
“Dialectic,” followed by a “Methodology”; but the second Critique is far
shorter and much less complicated. Just as the distinction between sense
and intelligence was fundamental for the former, so is that between the
inclinations and moral reason for the latter. And just as the nature of
the human cognitive situation was elucidated in the first Critique by
reference to the hypothetical notion of an intuitive understanding, so
is that of the human moral situation clarified by reference to the
notion of a “holy will.” For a will of this kind there would be no
distinction between reason and inclination; a being possessed of a holy
will would always act as it ought. It would not, however, have the
concepts of duty and moral obligation, which enter only when reason and
desire find themselves opposed. In the case of human beings, the
opposition is continuous, for man is at the same time both flesh and
spirit; it is here that the influence of Kant’s religious background is
most prominent. Hence, the moral life is a continuing struggle in which
morality appears to the potential delinquent in the form of a law that
demands to be obeyed for its own sake—a law, however, the commands of
which are not issued by some alien authority but represent the voice of
reason, which the moral subject can recognize as his own.
In the “Dialectic,” Kant took up again the ideas of God, freedom, and
immortality. Dismissed in the first Critique as objects that men can
never know because they transcend human sense experience, he now argued
that they are essential postulates for the moral life. Though not
reachable in metaphysics, they are absolutely essential for moral
philosophy.
Kant is often described as an ethical Rationalist, and the
description is not wholly inappropriate. He never espoused, however, the
radical Rationalism of some of his contemporaries nor of more recent
philosophers for whom reason is held to have direct insight into a world
of values or the power to intuit the rightness of this or that moral
principle. Thus, practical, like theoretical, reason was for him formal
rather than material—a framework of formative principles rather than a
content of actual rules. This is why he put such stress on his first
formulation of the categorical imperative: “Act only on that maxim
through which you can at the same time will that it should become a
universal law.” Lacking any insight into the moral realm, men can only
ask themselves whether what they are proposing to do has the formal
character of law—the character, namely, of being the same for all
persons similarly circumstanced.
Period of the three “critiques” » The Critique of Judgment
The Kritik der Urteilskraft (1790: spelled “Critik”)—one of the most
original and instructive of all of Kant’s writings—was not foreseen in
his original conception of the critical philosophy. Thus it is perhaps
best regarded as a series of appendixes to the other two Critiques. The
work falls into two main parts, called respectively “Critique of
Aesthetic Judgment” and “Critique of Teleological Judgment.” In the
first of these, after an introduction in which he discussed “logical
purposiveness,” he analyzed the notion of “aesthetic purposiveness” in
judgments that ascribe beauty to something. Such a judgment, according
to him, unlike a mere expression of taste, lays claim to general
validity; yet it cannot be said to be cognitive because it rests on
feeling, not on argument. The explanation lies in the fact that, when a
person contemplates an object and finds it beautiful, there is a certain
harmony between his imagination and his understanding, of which he is
aware from the immediate delight that he takes in the object.
Imagination grasps the object and yet is not restricted to any definite
concept; whereas a person imputes the delight that he feels to others
because it springs from the free play of his cognitive faculties, which
are the same in all men.
In the second part, Kant turned to consider teleology in nature as it
is posed by the existence in organic bodies of things of which the parts
are reciprocally means and ends to each other. In dealing with these
bodies, one cannot be content with merely mechanical principles. Yet if
mechanism is abandoned and the notion of a purpose or end of nature is
taken literally, this seems to imply that the things to which it applies
must be the work of some supernatural designer; but this would mean a
passing from the sensible to the suprasensible, a step proved in the
first Critique to be impossible. Kant answered this objection by
admitting that teleological language cannot be avoided in taking account
of natural phenomena; but it must be understood as meaning only that
organisms must be thought of “as if” they were the product of design,
and that is by no means the same as saying that they are deliberately
produced.
Last years
The critical philosophy was soon being taught in every important
German-speaking university, and young men flocked to Königsberg as a
shrine of philosophy. In some cases, the Prussian government even
undertook the expense of their support. Kant came to be consulted as an
oracle on all kinds of questions, including such subjects as the
lawfulness of vaccination. Such homage did not interrupt Kant’s regular
habits. Scarcely five feet tall, with a deformed chest, and suffering
from weak health, he maintained throughout his life a severe regimen. It
was arranged with such regularity that people set their clocks according
to his daily walk along the street named for him, “The Philosopher’s
Walk.” Until old age prevented him, he is said to have missed this
regular appearance only on the occasion when Rousseau’s Émile so
engrossed him that for several days he stayed at home.
With the publication of the third Critique, Kant’s main philosophical
work was done. From 1790 his health began to decline seriously. He still
had many literary projects but found it impossible to write more than a
few hours a day. The writings that he then completed consist partly of
an elaboration of subjects not previously treated in any detail, partly
of replies to criticisms and to the clarification of misunderstandings.
With the publication in 1793 of his work Die Religion innerhalb der
Grenzen der blossen Vernunft, Kant became involved in a dispute with
Prussian authorities on the right to express religious opinions. The
book was found to be altogether too Rationalistic for orthordox taste;
he was charged with misusing his philosophy to the “distortion and
depreciation of many leading and fundamental doctrines of sacred
Scripture and Christianity” and was required by the government not to
lecture or write anything further on religious subjects. Kant agreed but
privately interpreted the ban as a personal promise to the King, from
which he felt himself to be released on the latter’s death in 1797. At
any rate, he returned to the forbidden subject in his last major essay,
Der Streit der Fakultäten (1798; “The Conflict of the Faculties”).
The large work at which he laboured until his death—the fragments of
which fill the two final volumes of the great Berlin edition of his
works—was evidently intended to be a major contribution to his critical
philosophy. What remains, however, is not so much an unfinished work as
a series of notes for a work that was never written. Its original title
was Übergang von den metaphysische Anfangsgründe der Naturwissenschaft
zur Physik (“Transition from the Metaphysical Foundations of Natural
Science to Physics”), and it may have been his intention to carry
further the argument advanced in the Metaphysische Anfangsgründe der
Naturwissenschaft (1786) by showing that it is possible to construct a
priori not merely the general outline of a science of nature but a good
many of its details as well. But judging from the extant fragments,
however numerous they are, it remains conjectural whether its completion
would have constituted a major addition to his philosophy and its
reputation.
After a gradual decline that was painful to his friends as well as to
himself, Kant died in Königsberg, February 12, 1804. His last words were
“Es ist gut” (“It is good”). His tomb in the cathedral was inscribed
with the words (in German) “The starry heavens above me and the moral
law within me,” the two things that he declared in the conclusion of the
second Critique “fill the mind with ever new and increasing admiration
and awe, the oftener and the more steadily we reflect on.”
Otto Allen Bird