Visual History of the World

(CONTENTS)
 

 


HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION & CULTURE

From Prehistoric to Romanesque  Art
Gothic Art
Renaissance  Art
Baroque and Rococo Art
The Art of Asia
Neoclassicism, Romanticism  Art
Art Styles in 19th century
Art of the 20th century
Artists that Changed the World
Design and Posters
Photography
Classical Music
Literature and Philosophy

Visual History of the World
Prehistory
First Empires
The Ancient World
The Middle Ages
The Early Modern Period
The Modern Era
The World Wars and Interwar Period
The Contemporary World

Dictionary of Art and Artists

 




The Modern Era

1789 - 1914


In Europe, the revolutionary transformation of the ruling systems and state structures began with a bang: In 1789 the French Revolution broke out in Paris, and its motto "Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite"—Liberty, Equality, Brotherhood—took on an irrepressible force. A fundamental reorganization of society followed the French Revolution. The ideas behind the revolution were manifest in Napoleon's Code Civil, which he imposed on many European nations. The 19th century also experienced a transformation of society from another source: The Industrial Revolution established within society a poorer working class that stood in opposition to the merchant and trading middle class. The nascent United States was shaken by an embittered civil war. The economic growth that set in following that war was accompanied by the development of imperialist endeavors and its rise to the status of a Great Power.
 

 


 


Liberty Leading the People,
allegory of the 1830 July revolution that deposed the French monarchy,
with Marianne as the personification of liberty,
contemporary painting by Eugene Delacroix.

 

 


Latin America
 


1810-1914
 

 

When Napoleon occupied the Iberian Peninsula, the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in Latin America saw the defeat of the European metropoles as an opportunity for self-determination. In the next two decades, most of the South American states were able to gain independence under the leadership of the native Creoles—the descendents of Spanish colonists. Brazil was the only country to free itself from its motherland without military battles, however. Civil wars and internal political struggles shaped events in most of the states of Latin America for a long time after independence. The political organization of the states alternated between monarchies, dictatorships, and republics.

 


The South American Wars of Independence
 

Simon Bolivar fought for the independence of Venezuela and Colombia, while Jose de San Martin liberated Chile. Together the two commanded forces that expelled the Spaniards from Peru and the rest of the continent.

 

1 Simon Bolivar (1783-1830), one of the leaders of the Wars of Independence, was born into an aristocratic family of Spanish descent in Caracas, Venezuela.

After his mother's death when he was nine years old, he spent several years in Spain, where he formed a poor impression of the Court of Charles IV.

After two years in revolutionary France, he returned to Venezuela but was again in Paris for the coronation of Napoleon Bonaparte as Emperor.

Together with 2 Francisco deMiranda, the "Father of South American Independence," he helped free Venezuela from Spain in 1811-1812, although Spain was later able to reestablish its rule.

From New Granada (which included present-day Colombia), he resumed his battle, and Venezuela was again freed in 1817. In 1819 Bolivar announced the unification of Venezuela with New Granada to create Gran Colombia, of which he became the first president. Panama joined Gran Colombia in 1821 and Ecuador was added in 1822.
To the south, local elites in Rio de La Plata province had used the weakness of the central government in Napoleonic Spain to dislodge the viceroy in 1810. In 1816 a congress in Tucaman proclaimed the independence of the United Provinces of Rio de La Plata (present-day Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia).

Once the local Spanish forces had been expelled from the northwest of the region in a series of pitched battles, an Argentine army under 3 Jose de San Martin set off to free Chile and Peru.


1  Simon Bolivar


2 Francisco de Miranda


3 Jose de San Martin, 1909


Along with the Chilean revolutionary Bernardo O'Higgins, San Martin crossed the Andes mountains. The rebel army beat the Spanish in 1817 at Chacabuco. and he was able to proclaim the independence of Chile in 1818.

When San Martin marched on to Peru and reached Lima, the Spanish had already abandoned the town and Peru declared itself independent in 1821.

4 San Martin became president and joined the army of Simon Bolivar, who had marched down to Peru from the north. The battles at Junin and Ayacucho in Peru in 1824 marked the end of metropolitan Spain's dominion over South America.


4 The meeting (right) of San Martin and (left) Simon Bolívar in Guayaquil, Ecuador, on July 26, 1822,
where was decided the campaign of liberation of South America of the Spanish control.

 

 

Simon Bolivar


Simon Bolívar

Latin American leader
byname The Liberator, Spanish El Libertador

born July 24, 1783, Caracas, New Granada [now in Venezuela]
died December 17, 1830, near Santa Marta, Colombia

Main
South American soldier and statesman who led the revolutions against Spanish rule in the Viceroyalty of New Granada. He was president of Gran Colombia (1819–30) and dictator of Peru (1823–26).

The son of a Venezuelan aristocrat of Spanish descent, Bolívar was born to wealth and position. After his father died when the boy was three years old and his mother died six years later, his uncle administered his inheritance and provided him with tutors. At the age of 16, Bolívar was sent to Europe to complete his education. For three years he lived in Spain and in 1801 married the daughter of a Spanish nobleman, with whom he returned to Caracas. The young bride died of yellow fever less than a year after her marriage. In 1804, when Napoleon was approaching the pinnacle of his career, Bolívar returned to Europe. In Paris he encountered a former childhood tutor, Simón Rodríguez, who guided him to the writings of European rationalist thinkers such as Locke, Hobbes, Buffon, d’Alembert, and Helvetius as well as Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau. The idea of independence for Hispanic America took root in Bolívar’s imagination, and, on a trip to Rome, standing on the heights of the Monte Sacro, he made a vow to liberate his country. In 1807 he returned to Venezuela by way of the United States, visiting the eastern cities.

Independence movement
The Latin American independence movement was launched a year after Bolívar’s return, as Napoleon’s invasion of Spain unsettled Spanish authority. Bolívar himself participated in various conspiratorial meetings, and on April 19, 1810, the Spanish governor was officially deprived of his powers and expelled from Venezuela. A junta took over. To obtain help, Bolívar was sent on a mission to London, where he arrived in July. His assignment was to explain to England the plight of the revolutionary colony, to gain recognition for it, and to obtain arms and support. Although he failed in his official negotiations, he did foster the cause of the revolution by persuading the exiled Francisco de Miranda, who in 1806 had attempted to liberate Venezuela single-handedly, to return to Caracas and to assume command of the independence movement.

Venezuela was in ferment. In March 1811 a national congress met in Caracas to draft a constitution. After long deliberation it declared Venezuela’s independence on July 5, 1811. Bolívar now entered the army of the young republic and was placed in charge of Puerto Cabello, a port vital to Venezuela. Treasonable action by one of Bolívar’s officers opened the fortress to the Spanish forces, and Miranda, the commander in chief, entered into negotiations with the Spanish commander in chief. An armistice was signed (July 1812) that left the entire country at the mercy of Spain. Miranda was turned over to the Spaniards—after Bolívar and others prevented his escape from Venezuela—and spent the rest of his life in Spanish dungeons.

Determined to continue the struggle, Bolívar obtained a passport to leave the country and went to Cartagena in New Granada (present-day Colombia). There he published the first of his great political statements, El Manifiesto de Cartagena, in which he attributed the fall of the First Republic to the lack of strong government and called for a united revolutionary effort to destroy the power of Spain in America.

With backing from the patriots of New Granada, Bolívar led an expeditionary force to retake Venezuela. In a sweeping, hard-fought campaign, he vanquished the royalists in six pitched battles and on August 6, 1813, entered Caracas. He was given the title of Liberator and assumed political dictatorship. But the war of independence was just beginning. In 1814 Bolívar was once more defeated by the Spanish, who had converted the llaneros (cowboys) led by José Tomás Boves into an undisciplined but savagely effective cavalry that Bolívar was unable to repulse. Boves subjected Creole patriots to terrible atrocities, and his capture of Caracas and other principal cities ended the second Venezuelan republic. Narrowly escaping Miranda’s fate, Bolívar fled to New Granada and eventually Jamaica.

In exile, Bolívar wrote the greatest document of his career: La Carta de Jamaica (“The Letter from Jamaica”), in which he outlined a grandiose panorama from Chile and Argentina to Mexico. “The bonds,” wrote Bolívar, “that united us to Spain have been severed.” He proposed constitutional republics throughout Hispanic America, and for the former Viceroyalty of New Granada he envisioned a government modeled on that of Great Britain, with a hereditary upper house, an elected lower house, and a president chosen for life. The last provision, to which Bolívar clung throughout his career, constituted the most dubious feature of his political thinking.


Liberation of New Granada
By 1815 Spain had sent to its seditious colonies the strongest expeditionary force that had ever crossed the Atlantic. Its commander was Pablo Morillo. Bolívar meanwhile turned to Haiti, a small republic that had freed itself from French rule, where he was given a friendly reception as well as money and weapons.

Three years of indecisive defeats and victories followed. In 1817 Bolívar decided to set up headquarters in the Orinoco region, which had not been devastated by war and from which the Spaniards could not easily oust him. He engaged the services of several thousand foreign soldiers and officers, mostly British and Irish, established his capital at Angostura (now Ciudad Bolívar), began to publish a newspaper, and established liaison with the revolutionary forces of the plains, including one group led by José Antonio Páez and another group led by Francisco de Paula Santander. In spring 1819 he conceived his master plan of attacking the Viceroyalty of New Granada.

Bolívar’s attack on New Granada will always be considered one of the most daring in military history. The route of the small army (about 2,500 men, including the British legion) led through flood-swept plains and icy mountains, over routes that the Spanish considered nearly impassable. The Spaniards were taken by surprise, and in the crucial Battle of Boyacá on August 7, 1819, the bulk of the royalist army surrendered to Bolívar. Three days later he entered Bogotá. This was the turning point in the history of northern South America.

Indefatigably, Bolívar set out to complete his task. He appointed Santander vice president in charge of the administration and in December 1819 made his appearance before the congress that had assembled in Angostura. Bolívar was made president and military dictator. He urged the legislators to proclaim the creation of a new state; three days later La República de Colombia was established, comprising the three departments of Cundinamarca (New Granada), Venezuela, and Quito (Ecuador). Since most of this territory was still under royalist control, it was largely a paper achievement. Bolívar knew, however, that victory was finally within his grasp. Early in 1820 a revolution in Spain forced the Spanish king to recognize the ideals of liberalism on the home front, an action that discouraged the Spanish forces in South America. Bolívar persuaded Morillo to open armistice negotiations, and the two warriors met in a memorable encounter at Santa Ana, signing in November 1820 a treaty that ended hostilities for a six-month period. When fighting was resumed, Bolívar found it easy, with his superior manpower, to defeat the Spanish forces in Venezuela. The Battle of Carabobo (June 1821) opened the gates of Caracas, and Bolívar’s Venezuelan homeland was at last free. In the autumn of the same year a congress convened in Cúcuta to draft a constitution for Gran Colombia. Its provisions disappointed Bolívar. Although he had been elected president, he thought the constitution too liberal in character to guarantee the survival of his creation. As long as more urgent assignments claimed his attention, however, he was willing to put up with its weak structure. Leaving the administration to Santander, he asked permission to continue his military campaign.

At the end of a year, Ecuador was liberated. In this campaign Bolívar was assisted by the most brilliant of his officers, Antonio José de Sucre. While Bolívar engaged the Spaniards in the mountains that defended the northern access to Quito, capital of Ecuador, Sucre marched from the Pacific coast to the interior. At Pichincha on May 24, 1822, he won a victory that freed Ecuador from the Spanish yoke. On the following day the capital fell, and Bolívar joined forces with Sucre on June 16.

It was in Quito that the Liberator met the great passion of his life, Manuela Sáenz, an ardent revolutionary who freely admitted her love for Bolívar and accompanied him first to Peru and ultimately to the presidential palace in Bogotá.


Liberation of Peru
The territory of Gran Colombia—comprising present-day Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama—had now been completely recovered from Spain, and its new government was recognized by the United States. Only Peru and Upper Peru remained in the hands of the Spaniards. It was the Peruvian problem that brought Bolívar and the Argentine revolutionary José de San Martín together. San Martín had done for the southern part of the continent what Bolívar had accomplished for the north. In addition, he had already entered Lima and proclaimed Peru’s independence. But the Spanish forces had retreated into the highlands, and San Martín, unable to follow them, decided to consult with Bolívar. On July 26, 1822, the two men met in the port city of Guayaquil, Ecuador (see Guayaquil Conference). Details of their discussions are not known, but presumably they covered completion of the military struggle in Peru as well as the subsequent organization of liberated Hispanic America. San Martín must have understood that Bolívar alone combined the military, political, and psychological assets needed to gain final victory over the powerful Spanish army in the highlands. Given the situation in Lima, where he faced mounting opposition, San Martín’s presence there could only hinder the performance of that task. On his return from Guayaquil, San Martín resigned his office in Lima and went into exile, allowing Bolívar to assume sole direction of the war.

The avenue that would lead to Bolívar’s ultimate ambition was now open. In September 1823 he arrived in Lima. The Spanish army occupied the mountains east of the city, and its position was considered unassailable. Bolívar systematically assembled troops, horses, mules, and ammunition to form an army, and in 1824 he moved out of the temporary capital in Trujillo and ascended the high cordillera. The first major battle took place at Junín and was easily won by Bolívar, who then left the successful termination of the campaign to his able chief of staff, Sucre. On December 9, 1824, the Spanish viceroy lost the Battle of Ayacucho to Sucre and surrendered with his entire army.


Bolivia
Bolívar was now president of Gran Colombia and dictator of Peru. Only a small section of the continent—Upper Peru—was still defended by royalist forces. The liberation of this region fell to Sucre, and in April 1825 he reported that the task had been accomplished. The new nation chose to be called Bolivia after the name of the Liberator. For this child of his genius, Bolívar drafted a constitution that showed once more his authoritarian inclinations: it created a lifetime president, a legislative body consisting of three chambers, and a highly restricted suffrage. Bolívar was devoted to his own creation, but, as the instrument of social reform that he had envisaged, the constitution was a failure.

Bolívar had now reached the high point of his career. His power extended from the Caribbean to the Argentine-Bolivian border. He had conquered severe illness, which during his sojourn in Peru had made him practically an invalid for months at a time. Another of his favourite projects, a league of Hispanic American states, came to fruition in 1826. He had long advocated treaties of alliance between the American republics, whose weakness he correctly apprehended. By 1824 such treaties had been signed and ratified by the republics of Colombia, Peru, Mexico, Central America, and the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. In 1826 a general American congress convened in Panama under Bolívar’s auspices. Compared with Bolívar’s original proposals, it was a fragmentary affair, with only Colombia, Peru, Central America, and Mexico sending representatives. The four nations that attended signed a treaty of alliance and invited all other American nations to adhere to it. A common army and navy were planned, and a biannual assembly representing the federated states was projected. All controversies among the states were to be solved by arbitration. Only Colombia ratified the treaty, yet the congress in Panama provided an important example for future hemispheric solidarity and understanding in South America.

But Bolívar was aware that his plans for hemispheric organization had met with only limited acceptance. His contemporaries thought in terms of individual nation-states, Bolívar in terms of continents. In the field of domestic policy he continued to be an authoritarian republican. He thought of himself as a rallying point and anticipated civil war as soon as his words should no longer be heeded. Such a prophecy, made in 1824, was fulfilled in 1826.


Civil war
Venezuela and New Granada began to chafe at the bonds of their union in Gran Colombia. The protagonists in each country, Páez in Venezuela and Santander in New Granada, opposed each other, and at last civil war broke out. Bolívar left Lima in haste, and most authorities agree that Peru was glad to see the end of his three-year reign and its liberation from Colombian influence. In Bogotá, Bolívar found Santander upholding the constitution of Cúcuta and urging that Páez be punished as a rebel. But Bolívar was determined to preserve the unity of Gran Colombia and was therefore willing to appease Páez, with whom he became reconciled early in 1827. Páez bowed to the supreme authority of the Liberator, and in turn Bolívar promised a new constitution that would remedy Venezuelan grievances. He declared himself dictator of Gran Colombia and called for a national convention that met in April 1828. Bolívar refused to influence the elections, with the result that the liberals under the leadership of Santander gained the majority. Bolívar had hoped that the constitution of Cúcuta would be revised and presidential authority strengthened, but the liberals blocked any such attempts. A stalemate developed. Arguing that the old constitution was no longer valid and that no new one had taken its place, Bolívar assumed dictatorial powers in Gran Colombia. A group of liberal conspirators invaded the presidential palace on the night of September 25, and Bolívar was saved from the daggers of the assassins only by the quick-wittedness of Manuela Sáenz. But, though this attempt on his life had failed, the storm signals increased. Bolívar’s precarious health began to fail. Peru invaded Ecuador with the intention of annexing Guayaquil. Once more Sucre saved Ecuador and defeated the Peruvians at Tarqui (1829). A few months later, one of Bolívar’s most-honoured generals, José María Córdoba, staged a revolt. It was crushed, but Bolívar was disheartened by the continued ingratitude of his former adherents. In the fall of 1829, Venezuela seceded from Gran Colombia.

Reluctantly, Bolívar realized that his very existence presented a danger to the internal and external peace of the nations that owed their independence to him, and on May 8, 1830, he left Bogotá, planning to take refuge in Europe. Reaching the Atlantic coast, he learned that Sucre, whom he had trained as his successor, had been assassinated. Bolívar’s grief was boundless. The projected trip to Europe was canceled, and, at the invitation of a Spanish admirer, Bolívar journeyed to his estate near Santa Marta. Ironically, his life ended in the house of a Spaniard, where, toward the end of 1830, he died of tuberculosis.


Additional Reading
An excellent Spanish-language biography of Bolívar is Tomás Polanco Alcántara, Simón Bolívar: ensayo de interpretación biográfica a través de sus documentos (1994). Biographies in English include the classic Gerhard Masur, Simón Bolívar, 2nd ed. (1969); and David Bushnell, Simón Bolívar: Liberation and Disappointment (2004). A penetrating study of Bolívar’s ideas is V.A. Belaunde, Bolívar and the Political Thought of the Spanish American Revolution (1938; reissued 1967). An abridged translation of the recollections of one of Bolívar’s closest political and military aides (ends at 1826) is D.F. O’Leary, Bolívar and the War of Independence (1970). A slightly fictionalized biography of Manuela Sáenz is V.W. von Hagen, The Four Seasons of Manuela, a Biography: The Love Story of Manuela Sáenz and Simón Bolívar (1952). Sources of Bolívar’s writings include Simón Bolívar, Cartas del Libertador, ed. by Vicente Lecuna, 12 vol. (1929–59), the most important collection of source material for the personality of Bolívar; and Simón Bolívar, El Libertador: Writings of Simón Bolívar, trans. by Frederick H. Fornoff and ed. by David Bushnell (2003), a useful introduction to the man and his image. Bolívar’s widespread cultural influence is discussed in Christopher B. Conway, The Cult of Bolivar in Latin American Literature (2003).

Encyclopaedia Britannica
 

 

 

José de San Martín


José de San Martín

Argentine revolutionary

born , Feb. 25, 1778, Yapeyú, viceroyalty of Río de la Plata [now in Argentina]
died Aug. 17, 1850, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Fr.

Main
Argentine soldier, statesman, and national hero who helped lead the revolutions against Spanish rule in Argentina (1812), Chile (1818), and Peru (1821).

Early life and career
San Martín’s father, Juan de San Martín, a professional soldier, was administrator of Yapeyú, formerly a Jesuit mission station in Guaraní Indian territory, on the northern frontier of Argentina. His mother, Gregoria Matorras, was also Spanish. The family returned to Spain when José was six. From 1785 to 1789 he was educated at the Seminary of Nobles in Madrid, leaving there to begin his military career as a cadet in the Murcia infantry regiment. For the next 20 years he was a loyal officer of the Spanish monarch, fighting against the Moors in Oran (1791); against the British (1798), who held him captive for more than a year; and against the Portuguese in the War of the Oranges (1801). He was made captain in 1804.

The turning point in San Martín’s career came in 1808, following Napoleon’s occupation of Spain and the subsequent patriotic uprising against the French there. For two years he served the Sevilla (Seville) junta that was conducting the war on behalf of the imprisoned Spanish king Ferdinand VII. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel for his conduct in the Battle of Bailén (1808) and was elevated to command of the Sagunto Dragoons after the Battle of Albuera (1811). Instead of taking up his new post, he sought permission to go to Lima, the capital of the viceroyalty of Peru, but traveled by way of London to Buenos Aires, which had become the principal centre of resistance in South America to the Sevilla junta and its successor, the Cádiz-based Council of Regency. There, in the year 1812, San Martín was given the task of organizing a corps of grenadiers against the Spanish royalists centred in Peru who threatened the revolutionary government in Argentina.

One possible explanation for this startling change of allegiance on the part of a soldier who had sworn fealty to Spain is that it was prompted by British sympathizers with the independence movement in Spanish America and that San Martín was recruited through the agency of James Duff, 4th Earl of Fife, who had fought in Spain (and who caused San Martín to be made a freeman of Banff, Scot.). In later years, San Martín averred that he had sacrificed his career in Spain because he had responded to the call of his native land, and this is the view taken by Argentinian historians. Undoubtedly, peninsular Spanish prejudice against anyone born in the Indies must have rankled throughout his career in Spain and caused him to identify himself with the creole revolutionaries.

In the service of the Buenos Aires government, San Martín distinguished himself as a trainer and leader of soldiers, and, after winning a skirmish against loyalist forces at San Lorenzo, on the right bank of the Paraná River (Feb. 3, 1813), he was sent to Tucumán to reinforce, and ultimately replace, General Manuel Belgrano, who was being hard pressed by forces of the viceroy of Peru. San Martín recognized that the Río de la Plata provinces would never be secure so long as the royalists held Lima, but he perceived the military impossibility of reaching the centre of viceregal power by way of the conventional overland route through Upper Peru (modern Bolivia). He therefore quietly prepared the masterstroke that was his supreme contribution to the liberation of southern South America. First, he disciplined and trained the army around Tucumán so that, with the assistance of gaucho guerrilleros, they would be capable of a holding operation. Then, on the pretense of ill health, he got himself appointed governor intendant of the province of Cuyo, the capital of which was Mendoza, the key to the routes across the Andes. There, he set about creating an army that would link up overland with the soldiers of the patriotic government in Chile and then proceed by sea to attack Peru.


Campaign across the Andes
To his disappointment, when the first stage of this plan was nearing completion, loyalist forces recaptured Chile (although the Chilean liberator, Bernardo O’Higgins, was able to escape to Mendoza). This made it necessary for San Martín to fight his way westward across the formidable barrier of the Andes. This was accomplished between Jan. 18 and Feb. 8, 1817, partly by a double bluff, which caused the Spanish commander to divide his forces in order to guard all possible routes, and more especially by careful generalship that ensured the maximum concentration of force at the enemy’s weakest point, backed by adequate supplies. San Martín’s skill in leading his men through the defiles, chasms, and passes—often 10,000 to 12,000 feet (3,000 to 4,000 m) above sea level—of the Andean cordillera has caused him to be ranked with Hannibal and Napoleon. On February 12 he surprised and defeated the royalists at Casas de Chacabuco and took Santiago, where he refused the offer of the governorship of Chile in favour of Bernardo O’Higgins (who became supreme director) because he did not wish to be diverted from his main objective, the capture of Lima. Nevertheless, it took him more than a year to clear the country of royalist troops. He finally routed the principal remaining armies, some 5,000, on April 5, 1818, at the Battle of Maipú.

The next stage of San Martín’s plan involved the creation of the Chilean navy and the accumulation of troop ships. This was accomplished, despite a shortage of funds, by August 1820, when the rather shoddy fleet, consisting mainly of armed merchant ships, under the command of Thomas Cochrane (later 10th Earl of Dundonald), left Valparaíso for the Peruvian coast. Cochrane, whom San Martín found a cantankerous colleague, had failed the year before to take the chief port, Callao, which was well-defended. The port was therefore blockaded, and the troops were landed to the south near Pisco; from this point they could threaten Lima from the landward side. True to his cautious nature, San Martín resisted the temptation to assault the capital, which was defended by a superior force, and waited for almost a year, until the royalists, despairing of assistance from Ferdinand VII (who had since been restored to the Spanish throne), withdrew to the mountains. San Martín and his army then entered Lima, the independence of Peru was proclaimed on July 28, 1821, and the victorious revolutionary commander was made protector.

San Martín’s position was nevertheless insecure. He had broken with his supporters in Buenos Aires when, against their wishes, he insisted on pressing on to Lima; he was unsure of the loyalty of the Peruvian people and of the backing of some of his officers, many of whom suspected him of dictatorial or monarchical ambitions; and he lacked the forces to subdue the royalist remnants in the interior. Moreover, Simón Bolívar, who had liberated the northern provinces of South America, had annexed Guayaquil, a port and province that San Martín had hoped would opt for incorporation in Peru. He therefore decided to confront Bolívar.


Meeting with Bolívar
The two victorious generals met on July 26, 1822, in Guayaquil, where Bolívar had already taken control. What passed between them in their secret discussions is unknown, but what is clear is that San Martín hurried back to Lima, a disappointed man. There, seriously ill, faced by recriminations and overt disaffection, he resigned his protectorship on September 20. In a message to the Peruvian Congress he left a farsighted warning: “The presence of a successful soldier (no matter how disinterested) is dangerous to the States that have just been constituted.” The rest of his life was spent in exile with his daughter, in Brussels, Paris, and Boulogne-sur-Mer, wisely avoiding any further involvement in the anarchic situations that marred the early history of the newly independent nations. He died in Boulogne-sur-Mer in 1850.


Assessment
San Martín’s contribution to the cause of independence was his military skill. The boldness of his plan to attack the viceroyalty of Lima by crossing the Andes to Chile and going on by sea, as well as the patience and determination with which he executed it, was undoubtedly the decisive factor in the defeat of Spanish power in southern South America. Whether at Guayaquil he consciously made a great renunciation of personal ambition so that Bolívar, and with him the cause of independence, might triumph, or whether he went into voluntary exile because Bolívar made it clear that he was not prepared to help Peru so long as San Martín remained in control, remains an unresolved historical problem.

John Callan James Metford
David Bushnell

Encyclopaedia Britannica

 

 


Development after Independence
 

Once independence had been achieved, many of the new South American states experienced political turbulence and military dictatorships.

 

When Peru and Venezuela seceded from Gran Colombia in 1830, Bolivar resigned and the country broke up into New Granada— after 1861, Colombia—Bolivia, and Ecuador.

During a civil war in Bolivia in 1828, the Peruvian general Andres Santa Cruz took power and forced the unification of Bolivia with Peru in 1836. However, before long Argentina and Chile dissolved this confederation and deposed Santa Cruz.

In the following decades General Ramon Castilla was able to bring stability to Peru. The country experienced an economic revival, and the raw materials guano and niter brought wealth. In Bolivia, however, internal stability continued to prove elusive. Bloody civil wars shook the country. Similar struggles took place in many of the other newly independent Southern American countries: At the center of these conflicts lay disagreements over the political structure of the state.

In Argentina, the policies of General Juan Manuel de Rosas, who sought national unity through authoritarian means, brought stability to the country for a long time.

In 1852, 5 General Justo Urquiza toppled the dictatorship and, once the federal constitution came into effect, became president of the Republic of Argentina.

The province of Buenos Aires, which had been forced to accept the constitution during the civil war, rose up under General Bartolome Mitre in 1861 and established his presidency.

The 1879-1880 "conquest of the desert," led by Julio Argentine Roca against the Indians, brought the country huge areas of agricultural land in the 9 pampas.

With Chile he agreed on the division of Tierra del Fuego.

The United States acted as adjudicator for a dispute in which Argentina seized regions of Brazil in 1895, and in 1902, through the mediation of Great Britain —which had conquered the Falkland Islands in 1833—it gained Patagonia from Chile.

Chile only managed to expel the last Spanish troops in 1826. The restorative constitution of 6 General Joaquin Prieto was opposed by the liberals until 1859, but to no avail. Prieto's and the succeeding governments worked toward a stable internal political situation, which helped to bring about an economic and cultural resurgence. The mining of copper, silver, and niter, the openingup of markets for agricultural products, the development of ship and rail transport networks, and the improvement of education, were the cornerstones of this boom. In 1891, acting president Jose Manuel Fernandez was toppled, and the ensuing civil war ended with the storming of the capital, Santiago, at the cost of more than 10,000 lives.


5 General Jose de Urquiza


6 José Joaquín Prieto

 

 


Nitrate War 1879-1883

In 1879, a Chilean nitrate company in Antofagasta, then part of Bolivia, objected to a tax increase. Chile then occupied the port and conquered the provinces of Tacna and Arica in Peru, an ally of Bolivia. Bolivia gave up the fight, and Chile occupied Lima, Peru, in 1881.

Under the Treaty of Ancon, signed on October 20, 1883, Peru lost Tacna, Arica, and Tarapacd to Chile. With the loss from Antofagasta and the province of Atacama, the Bolivian state no longer had access to the sea.
 

 

 

 

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