Overview
Country, central Africa.
Area: 905,355 sq mi (2,344,858 sq km). Population (2008 est.):
66,515,000. Capital: Kinshasa. Bantu speakers, including the Mongo, the
Kongo, and the Luba, form a majority of the country’s population; among
non-Bantu speakers are Sudanese groups of the north. Languages: French
(official); Lingala, Swahili, Kongo, Tshiluba (all national); many
others. Religions: Christianity (Roman Catholic, Protestant, other
Christians), traditional beliefs, Islam. Currency: Congolese franc. The
country, having the third largest land area in Africa, occupies the
heart of the Congo River basin and is largely surrounded by high
plateaus. At its narrow strip of Atlantic coast, the Congo River empties
into the sea. The country straddles the Equator; its climate is humid
and tropical. It is among the poorest countries in the world. Its
economy is based on mining and agriculture. Exports include diamonds,
petroleum, and coffee; mining produces copper, cobalt, and industrial
diamonds. The country is a republic with a bicameral legislature; the
head of state is the president, and the head of government is the prime
minister. Prior to European colonization, several kingdoms had emerged
in the region, including the 16th-century Luba kingdom and the Kuba
federation, which reached its peak in the 18th century. European
development began late in the 19th century when King Leopold II of
Belgium financed Henry Morton Stanley’s exploration of the Congo River.
The 1884–85 Berlin West Africa Conference recognized the Congo Free
State with Leopold as its sovereign. The growing demand for rubber
helped finance the exploitation of the Congo, but abuses against local
peoples outraged Western nations and forced Leopold to grant the Free
State a colonial charter as the Belgian Congo (1908). Independence was
granted in 1960. The postindependence period was marked by unrest,
culminating in a military coup that brought Gen. Mobutu Sese Seko to
power in 1965. He changed the country’s name to Zaire in 1971.
Mismanagement, corruption, and increasing violence devastated the
infrastructure and the economy. Mobutu was deposed in 1997, and the
country’s name was restored to Congo. Instability in neighbouring
countries, an influx of refugees from Rwanda, and a desire for Congo’s
mineral wealth led to military involvement by various African countries,
which fueled existing civil conflict in Congo. Although unrest continued
in the beginning of the 21st century, it was somewhat abated by the
promulgation in 2003 of a transitional constitution and by the formation
of a transitional unity government that included most rebel groups; a
new constitution was promulgated and a formal government elected in
2006.
Profile
Official name République Democratique du Congo (Democratic Republic
of the Congo)
Form of government unitary multiparty republic with two legislative
bodies (Senate [108]; National Assembly [500])
Chief of state President
Head of government Prime Minister
Capital Kinshasa
Official language French1
Official religion none
Monetary unit Congo franc (FC)
Population estimate (2008) 66,515,000
Total area (sq mi) 905,355
Total area (sq km) 2,344,858
1National languages are Kongo, Lingala, Swahili, and Tshiluba.
Main
country located in central Africa. Officially known as the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, the country has a 25-mile (40-km) coastline on
the Atlantic Ocean but is otherwise landlocked. It is the third largest
country on the continent; only The Sudan and Algeria are larger. The
capital, Kinshasa, is located on the Congo River about 320 miles (515
km) from its mouth. The largest city in central Africa, it serves as the
country’s official administrative, economic, and cultural centre. The
country is often referred to by its acronym, the DRC, or called Congo
(Kinshasa), with the capital added parenthetically, to distinguish it
from the other Congo republic, which is officially called the Republic
of the Congo and is often referred to as Congo (Brazzaville).
Congo gained independence from Belgium in 1960. From 1971 to 1997 the
country was officially the Republic of Zaire, a change made by then
ruler Gen. Mobutu Sese Seko to give the country what he thought was a
more authentic African name. “Zaire” is a variation of a term meaning
“great river” in local African languages; like the country’s current
name, it refers to the Congo River, which drains a large basin that lies
mostly in the republic. Unlike Zaire, however, the name Congo has
origins in the colonial period, when Europeans identified the river with
the kingdom of the Kongo people, who live near its mouth. Following the
overthrow of Mobutu in 1997, the country’s name prior to 1971, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, was reinstated. Congo subsequently was
plunged into a devastating civil war; the conflict officially ended in
2003, although fighting continued in the eastern part of the country.
Congo is rich in natural resources. It boasts vast deposits of
industrial diamonds, cobalt, and copper; one of the largest forest
reserves in Africa; and about half of the hydroelectric potential of the
continent.
Land
Congo is bounded to the north by the Central African Republic and
The Sudan; to the east by Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanzania; to the
southeast by Zambia; and to the southwest by Angola. To the west are the
country’s short Atlantic coastline, the Angolan exclave of Cabinda, and
Congo (Brazzaville).
Relief
The country’s major topographical features include a large river
basin, a major valley, high plateaus, three mountain ranges, and a low
coastal plain. Most of the country is composed of the central Congo
basin, a vast rolling plain with an average elevation of about 1,700
feet (520 metres) above sea level. The lowest point of 1,109 feet (338
metres) occurs at Lake Mai-Ndombe (formerly Lake Leopold II), and the
highest point of 2,296 feet (700 metres) is reached in the hills of
Mobayi-Mbongo and Zongo in the north. The basin may once have been an
inland sea whose only vestiges are Lakes Tumba and Mai-Ndombe in the
west-central region.
The north-south Western Rift Valley, the western arm of the East
African Rift System, forms the country’s eastern border and includes
Lakes Albert, Edward, Kivu, Tanganyika, and Mweru. This part of the
country is the highest and most rugged, with striking chains of
mountains. The Mitumba Mountains stretch along the Western Rift Valley,
rising to an elevation of 9,800 feet (2,990 metres). The snow-covered
peaks of the Ruwenzori Range between Lakes Albert and Edward lie astride
the Ugandan border and mark the country’s highest elevation of 16,763
feet (5,109 metres) at Margherita Peak. The volcanic Virunga Mountains
stretch across the Western Rift Valley north of Lake Kivu.
High plateaus border almost every other side of the central basin. In
the north the Ubangi-Uele plateaus form the divide between the Nile and
Congo river basins. Rising to between 3,000 and 4,000 feet (915 and
1,220 metres), these plateaus also separate the central basin from the
vast plains of the Lake Chad system. In the south the plateaus begin at
the lower terraces of the Lulua and Lunda river valleys and rise
gradually toward the east. In the southeast the ridges of the plateaus
of Katanga (Shaba) province tower over the region; they include
Kundelungu at 5,250 feet (1,600 metres), Mitumba at 4,920 feet (1,500
metres), and Hakansson at 3,610 feet (1,100 metres). The Katanga
plateaus reach as far north as the Lukuga River and contain the Manika
Plateau, the Kibara and the Bia mountains, and the high plains of
Marungu.
The northern escarpment of the Angola Plateau rises in the southwest,
while in the far west a coastal plateau zone includes the hill country
of Mayumbe and the Cristal Mountains. At 3,445 feet (1,050 metres),
Mount Ula is the highest peak in these mountains. A narrow coastal plain
lies between the Cristal Mountains and the Atlantic Ocean.
Drainage and soils
The Congo River, including its 1,336,000-square-mile
(3,460,000-square-km) basin, is the country’s main drainage system. The
river rises in the high Katanga plateaus and flows north and then south
in a great arc, crossing the Equator twice. The lower river flows
southwestward to empty into the Atlantic Ocean below Matadi. Along its
course, the Congo passes through alluvial lands and swamps and is fed by
the waters of many lakes and tributaries. The most important lakes are
Mai-Ndombe and Tumba; the major tributaries are the Lomami, Aruwimi, and
Ubangi rivers and those of the great Kasai River system. In addition,
the Lukuga River links the basin to the Western Rift Valley.
Soils are of two types: those of the equatorial areas and those of
the drier savanna (grassland) regions. Equatorial soils occur in the
warm, humid lowlands of the central basin, which receive abundant
precipitation throughout the year and are covered mainly with thick
forests. This soil is almost fixed in place because of the lack of
erosion in the forests. In swampy areas the very thick soil is
constantly nourished by humus, the organic material resulting from the
decomposition of plant or animal matter. Savanna soils are threatened by
erosion, but the river valleys contain rich and fertile alluvial soils.
The highlands of the Great Lakes region in eastern Congo are partly
covered with rich soil derived from volcanic lava. This is the country’s
most productive agricultural area.
Climate
Most of Congo lies within the inner humid tropical, or equatorial,
climatic region extending five degrees north and south of the Equator.
Southern Congo and the far north have somewhat drier subequatorial
climates.
The seasonally mobile intertropical convergence zone (ITCZ) is a
major determinant of the climate. Along this zone the trade winds
originating in the Northern and Southern hemispheres meet, forcing
unstable tropical air aloft. The air that is forced upward is cooled,
and the resulting condensation produces prolonged and heavy
precipitation. In July and August this zone of maximum precipitation
occurs in the north; it then shifts into central Congo in September and
October. Between November and February the southern parts of the country
receive maximum precipitation. Thereafter the ITCZ moves northward
again, crossing central Congo in March and April, so this zone has two
rainfall maxima. The extreme eastern highlands lie outside the path of
the ITCZ and are subject to the influence of the southeastern trade
winds alone. In addition to the ITCZ, elevation and proximity to the
Atlantic Ocean and its maritime influences also act as factors of
climatic differentiation.
The country is divided into four major climatic regions. In the
equatorial climate zone, temperatures are hot, the average monthly
temperature rarely dropping below the mid-70s F (low to mid-20s C).
Humidity is high, and it rains throughout the year. Annual precipitation
at Eala, for example, averages 71 inches (1,800 mm). The tropical or
subequatorial climate zone, marked by distinct dry and rainy seasons, is
found north and south of the equatorial region. The dry season lasts
from four to seven months (usually April to October), depending largely
on distance from the Equator. In Kananga about 63 inches (1,600 mm) of
precipitation falls annually. Short dry spells of several weeks’
duration may occur during the rainy season.
The Atlantic climate zone is confined to the west coast. The low
elevation and the cold Benguela Current are the major influences. At
Banana the average annual temperature is in the high 70s F (mid-20s C),
and precipitation averages about 30 inches (760 mm) yearly. The mountain
climate occurs in the eastern high plateaus and mountains. In Bukavu,
for example, the average annual temperature is in the mid-60s F (high
10s C), and annual precipitation levels measure about 52 inches (1,320
mm).
Plant and animal life
Plant life is lush and varies between climate zones. The heart of
the Congo basin is blanketed by an intricate forest system commonly
known as the equatorial rainforest. There trees reach heights of 130 to
160 feet (40 to 50 metres), and numerous varieties and species of plants
proliferate. Grasslands and woodlands are characteristic of the tropical
climate zone, while stands of mangrove dominate the coastal swamps and
the mouth of the Congo. The eastern plateaus are covered by grasslands,
and mountain forest, bamboo thickets, and Afro-Alpine vegetation occur
on the highest mountains.
The central basin is a vast reservoir of native trees and plants.
Among these, mahogany, ebony, limba, wenge, agba, iroko, and sapele
provide timber. Fibrous plants include raffia and sisal. There are also
plants used in traditional medicine, including cinchona (the source of
quinine) and rauwolfia (an emetic and antihypertensive), as well as
copal, rubber, and palm trees. Many types of edible mushrooms grow wild;
other wild edible vegetables grow in the forests, grasslands, and
swamps. Imported eucalyptus trees, which grow in stands in the
highlands, are used for construction timber and poles.
Animal life is also rich and diverse. Chimpanzees are found mostly in
the equatorial forest, and gorillas live in the eastern mountains around
Lake Kivu. Bonobos are also present, though they are found only in
lowland rainforests along the south bank of the Congo River. Elephants
and various species of monkeys and baboons are found in forest and
savanna woodlands; African forest elephants (a smaller, distinct species
of elephant) are limited to the forest.
In the north, in the primary forests of Uele, Aruwimi, and Ituri,
live okapi, giant wild boars, and short antelopes. Lions and leopards
inhabit the grasslands, and jackals, hyenas, cheetahs, wildcats, wild
dogs, buffaloes, antelopes, wild hogs, and black and white rhinoceroses
are found in the grasslands and savanna woods. Giraffes mainly inhabit
the northeastern grasslands.
Hippopotamuses and crocodiles are common in the rivers and the lakes,
and whales, dolphins, and lungfishes are found near the coast. Congolese
rivers, lakes, and swamps are well stocked with a variety of fish, such
as capitaine from the Congo River and catfish, electric fish, eels,
cichlids, and many others. Jellyfish live in Lake Tanganyika. Reptiles
are common and include various snakes—such as pythons, vipers, and tree
cobras—as well as lizards, chameleons, salamanders, frogs, and turtles.
Birdlife includes pelicans, parrots, many species of sunbirds,
pigeons, ducks, geese, eagles, vultures, cuckoos, owls, cranes, storks,
and swallows. Insects are innumerable. There are hundreds of butterfly
species; in the savanna woodlands, butterflies fill the skies at the
beginning of the rains. There are also numerous varieties of bees,
grasshoppers, caterpillars, praying mantises, beetles, dragonflies,
scorpions, mosquitoes, tsetse flies, ants, termites, spiders,
centipedes, and millipedes.
In spite of efforts to limit hunting, animal life has diminished.
Several national parks, most in the eastern highlands, and wildlife
preserves protect remaining species. They include Garamba, near the
Sudanese border; Virunga, north of Lake Edward in the Virunga Mountains;
Maiko, west of Lake Edward; Kahuzi-Biega, north of Bukavu; Upemba, north
of the Manika Plateau; Salonga, in the central Congo River basin; and
Kundelungu, northeast of Lubumbashi near the Zambian border. Several of
these parks have been recognized as UNESCO World Heritage sites:
Garamba’s expansive savannas and grass- and woodlands are home to a
number of important species, including the critically endangered white
rhinoceros; Virunga is notable for a variety of habitats—some of which
include active volcanoes—and the especially broad biodiversity sheltered
there; the tropical forests of Kahuzi-Biega are known for their diverse
fauna and for populations of endangered eastern lowland gorillas; and
Salonga, among the largest tropical rainforest reserves in Africa, is an
important habitat for a number of endangered and endemic species. In
addition to these, the Okapi Wildlife Reserve, home to a portion of the
threatened okapi still living in the wild, also has been recognized as a
World Heritage site.
People
Ethnic groups
More than 200 African ethnic groups live in Congo; of these, Bantu
peoples constitute a large majority of the country’s population. They
entered the territory of modern Congo between the 10th and the 14th
century from the west and north and established kingdoms that were
flourishing at the time of European penetration after the 16th century.
The major kingdoms were those of the Kongo, Teke (Bateke), Luba, Pende,
Yaka, Lunda, Songe, Tetela, and Kuba peoples. Major cultural clusters
today include the Mongo (in the centre of the country), the Kongo
(west), the Luba (south-central), the Lunda (south), the Bemba
(southeast), and the Kasai (southwest). Bantu peoples in the north and
northeast include the Ngala, the Buja, the Bira, the Kuumu, and the Lega
(Rega).
The Pygmies, having arrived possibly during the Upper Paleolithic
Period, are thought to have been the earliest inhabitants of the Congo
basin. The remaining Pygmy groups—the Bambuti, the Twa, and the
Babinga—inhabit the forests of Kibali and Ituri, the regions of Lakes
Kivu and Tanganyika, and areas near the Lualaba, Tshuapa, Sankuru, and
Ubangi rivers.
There are other small non-Bantu African populations. Adamawa-Ubangi
and Central Sudanic groups that settled in the north include the Zande
(Azande), the Mangbetu, the Banda, and the Barambu (Abarambo). Nilotic
peoples live in the northeast and include the Alur, the Kakwa, the Bari,
the Lugbara, and the Logo. Tutsi from Rwanda have historically lived in
the eastern lake region.
European and Asian groups constitute a significant part of the
country’s migrant population; most went to Congo for temporary
employment. The remaining migrant population is composed of Africans of
non-Congolese nationality.
Languages
More than 200 languages are spoken in Congo. Communication between
groups has been facilitated by four “national” languages: Swahili,
Tshiluba (Kiluba), Lingala, and Kongo. French is the official language
and the language of instruction, business, adminstration, and
international communications. The four national languages are used in
regional commerce and on the radio. The use of Lingala is growing
rapidly: under Mobutu it was the official language of the military, and
it is widely spoken in Kinshasa, where it is used in popular music, as
well as along the lower Congo River.
Religion
Traditional African religious beliefs in a supreme being, the power
of the ancestors, spirits of nature, and the efficacy of magic have been
greatly influenced by the introduction of Christianity in Congo. There
is a very sizable Christian population, the largest proportion of which
is Roman Catholic. Other Christians include Protestants and followers of
the local sect of the Church of Jesus Christ on Earth Through the
Prophet Simon Kimbangu (Kimbanguist Church). The remainder of the
African population continues to adhere to traditional African beliefs or
follows Islam. The foreign community includes Hindus and Muslims.
Settlement patterns
People have long lived in most regions of Congo. Over time, they
became specialized in the exploitation of their natural environments.
Forest peoples, such as the Bambuti (Pygmies) of the Ituri Forest, for
example, have historically specialized in hunting and fishing, while
agriculture has remained secondary or is nonexistent. In the savanna
woodlands, inhabitants combine agriculture with hunting and fishing. In
some areas in the southern half of the country, people raise small
livestock and poultry and also mine copper, iron ore, and other
minerals. In the grasslands, inhabitants confine themselves almost
solely to agriculture. In the eastern grasslands, agriculture is
combined with the raising of large livestock.
More than two-thirds of the Congolese population is rural, with most
people living in scattered villages. The style of housing varies
regionally, as does the general size of the villages. A village with 10
to 25 houses is generally considered small, while one with 150 to 200 is
large. The most populous areas are the savanna woodlands of the
south-central regions and, to some extent, the coastal regions, where
the largest villages shelter some 300 to 500 people. The eastern
grasslands areas have isolated farms and hamlets.
Some trading and administrative centres, such as Banana, Vivi, and
Boma, date from the arrival of the Europeans in the 16th century. Most
towns, however, are of more recent origin. Kinshasa, until 1966 called
Léopoldville, is the official seat of national political,
administrative, and judiciary institutions and is also an important
commercial and industrial centre. It is a centre of music, fashion, and
popular culture as well. The rapid growth of Kinshasa typifies that of
many of the country’s cities. In 1889 it had a population of 5,000; by
1925, when it was recognized as a ville (urban centre), it had grown to
28,000. The city jumped to a population of 250,000 in 1950, 1,500,000 in
1971, and about 4,700,000 in the mid-1990s—an increase of nearly a
thousandfold in a little more than a century.
There are a number of other major cities; all are administrative or
commercial centres, with the exception of Likasi, which is mainly an
industrial and mining town. Kananga is the capital of Kasaï-Occidental
(Western Kasai) province. Lubumbashi (formerly Élisabethville), the
administrative headquarters of Katanga, is the heavily industrialized
capital of the country’s copper-mining zone. Mbuji-Mayi is the capital
of Kasaï-Oriental (Eastern Kasai) province and Congo’s diamond centre.
Kisangani (formerly Stanleyville), the terminal point of navigation on
the Congo River from Kinshasa, is the capital of Orientale province.
Bukavu, the headquarters of Sud-Kivu province, is a major tourist
centre; Kikwit, the former capital of Bandundu province, is the terminal
port on the Kwilu River; and Matadi, the capital of Bas-Congo, is the
country’s main port. Mbandaka is a river port and the capital of
Équateur province.
All these towns developed during the colonial period, when there were
separate sectors for Europeans and Africans. European neighbourhoods
were characterized by big houses with large yards, wide paved streets,
and adequate electricity. African areas were crowded, with smaller
houses and yards and poor, if any, electric supply. These contrasts are
still characteristic of the cities, although the formerly European
neighbourhoods are now inhabited chiefly by elite Congolese.
Demographic trends
Congo’s rate of natural increase is among the highest in the world.
Nearly one-half of the population is less than age 15, with some
three-fourths under age 30; on the other hand, only a small fraction of
the population is 60 or older. The negligible provision of medical care
by the state—along with poverty, violence, and endemic disease—has
limited life expectancy, which for both men and women is far below the
global average.
Economy
At independence in 1960, the formal economy of Congo was based
almost entirely on the extraction of minerals, primarily copper and
diamonds. Most of this economic activity was controlled by foreign
companies, such as the Belgian Union Minière du Haut-Katanga (UMHK),
whose assets in 1965 were valued at nearly $430 million. By that time,
UMHK was one of the largest single sources of Congolese governmental
revenue and accounted for a large proportion of the country’s foreign
exchange earnings.
Following the coup carried out by Mobutu in 1965, however, the new
government made plans to nationalize UMHK. The ensuing struggle between
the government and UMHK ended in a compromise in 1967 whereby UMHK
operations were taken over by a newly created state company, Générale
des Carrières et des Mines (Gécamines), but daily operations were
contracted out to a private management company created by the former
UMHK.
This arrangement provided the blueprint for the Mobutu government’s
steady acquisition of private economic concerns—heralded as the
“Zairianization” of the economy. Mobutu appropriated the income from new
state enterprises, using it to amass a huge personal fortune and to
create a vast patronage network. In the 1970s and ’80s, he also
portioned out control over state enterprises to shifting networks of
associates whose loyalty he needed. He offered concessions to foreign
private enterprises as well. Increasingly, the economy became an adjunct
of Mobutu’s political machine.
At first, international agencies such as the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, as well as Mobutu’s allies in the West,
turned a blind eye to his personal appropriation of the economy and the
associated declines in productivity and exports. The fall in copper
prices in the mid-1970s, however, led to audits of state enterprises
that revealed high levels of embezzlement. Nonetheless, Mobutu remained
an important Cold War ally for Western countries, and for the next 20
years international financial institutions and his Western allies
continued to find ways to keep the sinking economy afloat.
Yet as the economy became less and less productive, funds directed
toward the maintenance of Mobutu’s national, regional, and local
patronage networks were becoming insufficient. Both state managers and
private owners of enterprises increasingly resorted to extortion and
force to maintain their wealth. Units of the army, as well as private
militias, supplanted formal state authority in much of the country. In
the early 1990s, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and heightened
demands for democratic reform worldwide, Mobutu’s Western allies finally
pressed for reforms in Congo.
By this time, however, the country was in crisis. Between 1990 and
1995, the economy demonstrated a negative annual growth rate of –8.42
percent. In the early 1990s the value of the national currency sank to
remarkable lows. Average per capita income, which continued to fall
drastically, was more than halved between 1990 and 2000 to become one of
the lowest in the world. The state, nearly bankrupt, provided scarcely
any services to the population, which, in any case, increasingly did its
business in an unofficial parallel economy, or black market. The
outbreak of civil conflict in the late 1990s deeply exacerbated the
failures of the economy, which subsequently continued to decline.
At the beginning of the 21st century, Congo took steps to stabilize
its economic situation; in 2001, for example, it shifted toward a more
market-oriented economy. With the participation of the IMF and the World
Bank, other structural reforms were undertaken to liberalize the
economy, break hyperinflation, and encourage a more stable macroeconomic
atmosphere. In 2002 the country experienced positive growth in its gross
domestic product (GDP) for the first time in more than a decade, and the
economy continued to expand throughout the remainder of the early 2000s,
a factor attributed in part to increased stability following the end of
the civil war.
Agriculture, forestry, and fishing
Domestic agriculture is the main source of food and income for the
majority of the population. Agriculture, animal husbandry, fishing, and
forestry combined provide employment for more than three-fourths of the
labour force and, on average, account for more than two-fifths of GDP.
Although the country is rich in agricultural potential, deterioration
of the transportation network and agricultural services since
independence have led to a return to subsistence agriculture and a
collapse of market production. Foodstuffs such as cereals and fish are
imported in increasing amounts. Coffee is the chief agricultural export,
although much of it is smuggled out of the country; production of palm
oil, rubber, and cotton, once mainstays of the export economy, has
become almost negligible.
In the humid equatorial region, cassava (manioc) and rice are the
basic food crops. Peanuts (groundnuts), oil palms, and fruit trees are
also important, while robusta coffee is the main cash crop. In the
eastern highlands, yams, beans, and sweet potatoes are used as food
crops, while arabica coffee and tea are export commodities. Corn
(maize), an important subsistence crop, is grown widely but chiefly
centred on the southeast. Vegetable growing is widespread throughout
Congo.
Livestock and poultry are kept in every province. Cattle are raised
mainly in the east and the south. Pigs are kept in the west and sheep in
the eastern highlands. Other domestic animals include chickens, geese,
pigeons, and rabbits. Commercial meat production is limited, however,
and the country depends upon imports to fulfill its requirements.
A small part of the yearly production of timber is exported for
veneering or plywood; most, however, is used locally for fuel. There is
some commercial freshwater and ocean fishing. Local hunting, fishing for
private consumption, and poaching of wild game are not ordinarily
reported in official statistics and are difficult to measure.
Resources and power
The country’s main economic resource is its mineral deposits; mining
produces almost nine-tenths of total exports. The abundance of minerals
in Katanga province was among those factors that attracted European
powers to Congo in the 19th century.
Minerals found in Katanga include copper, cobalt, zinc, cassiterite
(the chief source of metallic tin), manganese, coal, silver, cadmium,
germanium (a brittle element used as a semiconductor), gold, palladium
(a metallic element used as a catalyst and in alloys), uranium, and
platinum. The region west of Lake Kivu contains cassiterite,
columbotantalite, wolframite (a source of tungsten), beryl, gold, and
monazite (a phosphate of the cerium metals and thorium). Lake Kivu also
harbours vast reserves of methane, carbonic, and nitrogen natural gases.
There are deposits of iron ore and gem-quality diamonds in south-central
Congo, while the central regions are rich in industrial diamonds. In the
northeast there are gold, coal, and iron-ore deposits; there are
prospective deposits of gold, monazite, and diamonds in the northwestern
regions as well. Coastal Congo contains bauxite, gold, and offshore
deposits of petroleum. The limestone deposits that occur throughout the
country are considered to be among the richest in Africa.
Congo’s forest reserves cover more than half of the country and are
among the largest in Africa. Wild game supplements the local diet and is
an important item in local commerce. Rivers, lakes, swamps, and ocean
contain vast reserves of fish.
It is estimated that the country’s hydroelectric resources make up
about one-eighth of global capacity and perhaps half of Africa’s
potential capacity. This tremendous potential comes from the many rapids
along the rivers of the Congo system. Thermal energy can be derived from
the forests and coal and petroleum deposits.
Manufacturing
Manufacturing accounts for a small proportion of the Congolese GDP.
The sector has been hampered by a variety of factors, including
difficulty obtaining machinery and spare parts and an unreliable
electricity supply. Manufacturing industries can be classified into two
main categories. Consumption industries produce processed foods,
beverages, cigarettes, cloth, printed material, hosiery, shoes and
leather, metallic fabrics, and such chemical products as soap, paints,
rubber, and plastics. Supply and equipment industries include spinning
and weaving plants, chemical factories, and facilities to produce
machinery, transport materials, nonmetallic minerals, and wood products.
A petroleum refinery, opened in 1968, operates near Moanda.
The heaviest concentration of hydroelectric consumption is in the
mining areas and in Kinshasa. A hydroelectric dam was completed in 1972
on the lower Congo River at Inga Falls. After completion of the second
stage of the dam in 1982, its hydroelectric capacity had grown almost
eightfold, with its potential estimated at nearly 15 times that total.
In spite of the dam’s massive potential, however, the poor condition of
necessary equipment has made electric shortages commonplace, and much of
the population is without reliable access to electricity. The majority
of Congolese depend on firewood as a source of domestic fuel.
Neighbouring Republic of the Congo has been linked to the country’s
power grid since the 1950s.
Finance and trade
The national central bank, the Bank of Congo, is located in
Kinshasa, as are numerous commercial, savings, and development banks.
There are also mortgage and credit banking institutions. Totally
foreign-owned banks include U.S., British, and French institutions as
well as the International Bank for Africa in Congo. The penetration of
the banking system in Congo is extremely low, however, and only a
fraction of Congolese citizens maintain bank accounts; the majority of
transactions within the dominant informal sector are settled in cash. In
1998 the Congolese franc replaced the new zaire as the country’s
official currency, but the new tender was seriously devalued by the
country’s years of civil conflict. New notes were introduced in 2003.
For much of the first decade of the 21st century, Congo faced an
increasingly negative balance of trade. Mineral products constitute most
of the country’s total exports: diamonds, which account for almost
one-half of trade revenue, are the country’s most valuable export; crude
petroleum, cobalt, and copper are also significant. Coffee is the
country’s most important agricultural export product. Exported
manufactures are of limited value and volume. Imports consist primarily
of foodstuffs, consumer goods, machinery (largely mining and transport
equipment), and fuel. Although Belgium traditionally has been a primary
trade partner, Congo has developed significant trade relationships with
South Africa, China, Zambia, France, and other countries.
Transportation and telecommunications
The organization of the transportation network is of crucial
importance to Congo, a country of continental dimensions, rich economic
resources, and limited maritime access. Congo’s generally poor
transportation infrastructure is a major factor in its economic
underdevelopment, a situation exacerbated by years of civil conflict.
The Congo River and its tributaries, historically a chief means of
transportation in the country, serve as the main transport arteries.
These rivers are supplemented by rail, road, and both private and public
air services.
Navigation is possible throughout the year on stretches of the Congo
River, which is navigable from Banana to Matadi, Kinshasa to Kisangani,
Obundu to Kindu, and Kongolo to Bukama. Those portions of the Congo, as
well as the navigable stretches of its tributaries, together constitute
some 9,300 miles (15,000 km) of navigable inland waterways. The main
port for maritime shipping is Matadi, situated near the mouth of the
Congo River.
The agricultural region of Mayumbe is served by the Boma-Tshela
railway. Other lines connect the Uele with the Itimbiri River and Lake
Tanganyika with the Lualaba River. Railways also serve the southern
regions.
There are four major routes that combine water and rail transport.
The only such route to lie wholly within Congo runs by rail from Katanga
to Ilebo, by boat on the Kasai and Congo rivers to Kinshasa, and by rail
to Matadi. International routes run across Lake Tanganyika and Tanzania
to the Indian Ocean port of Dar es Salaam; through Zambia, Zimbabwe, and
Mozambique to Beira, also on the Indian Ocean; and through Angola to the
Atlantic Ocean port of Lobito. The Angolan route and the system to Beira
were unusable for years because of civil conflict in Angola and
Mozambique. The heavy traffic that normally would have followed these
routes was sent via Zimbabwe to ports in South Africa.
With only a limited number of connections in operation, fixed-line
telephone service in Congo is generally inadequate. As a result,
cellular telephone use has been expanding rapidly, more than tripling in
the first decade of the 21st century to reach a penetration of some 10
cellular phones per 100 persons. Internet use also has been expanding,
albeit at a slower pace.
Ntsomo Payanzo
Bernd Michael Wiese
Dennis D. Cordell
Ed.
Government and society
Constitutional framework
Congo’s civil war (1998–2003) was essentially ended by a
power-sharing agreement that created the transitional constitution of
2003, which provided for a transitional government that consisted of
representatives from various rebel groups, the previous government, the
political opposition, and civil organizations. A new, formal
constitution, approved by referendum in 2005 and promulgated in 2006,
significantly devolved power to provincial administrations. Under it,
the president is to be elected to no more than two five-year terms and
must share power with the prime minister, who is to be named from the
legislature’s largest party. The legislature is bicameral, consisting of
the National Assembly and the Senate.
Local government
For administrative purposes, the country has long been divided into
a varying number of regions or provinces. After the overthrow of
Mobutu’s regime in 1997, the country was organized into 10 provinces and
the ville (city) of Kinshasa, the latter being the equivalent of a
federal district. The provinces are presided over by governors. The 2006
constitution provides for an increase in the number of provinces from 10
to 26, though the new provincial structure was not immediately
implemented.
Justice
For many years, the Supreme Court (located in Kinshasa) and the
Courts of Appeal stood at the centre of Congo’s judicial system, but,
after the promulgation of the 2006 constitution, they were slated to be
superseded by the new judicial structure. The 2006 constitution provides
for an independent judiciary consisting of the Constitutional Court, the
Court of Cassation, the Council of State (a federal administrative
court), the Military High Court, and lower courts and tribunals
throughout the country.
Political process
The Popular Movement of the Revolution (Mouvement Populaire de la
Révolution; MPR) was the sole legal political party from 1970 until
1990. It was presided over by then president Mobutu and had branches at
every administrative level throughout the country. The MPR splintered
into factions after Mobutu was overthrown in 1997.
At the time of the transitional government, some of the most
prominent political parties were the People’s Party for Reconstruction
and Democracy (Parti du Peuple pour la Reconstruction et la Démocratie;
PPRD); the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (Union pour la
Démocratie et le Progrès Social; UDPS); the Democratic Social Christian
Party (Parti Démocrate Social Chrétien; PDSC); the Popular Movement of
the Revolution–Fait Privé (Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution–Fait
Privé; MPR-FP), a faction of Mobutu’s original party; the Congolese
National Movement–Lumumba (Mouvement National Congolais–Lumumba; MNC-L);
the Forces for Renovation for Union and Solidarity (Forces Novatrices
pour l’Union et la Solidarité; FONUS); the Congolese Rally for Democracy
(Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie; RCD); and the Movement for
the Liberation of the Congo (Mouvement pour la Libération du Congo;
MLC). The last two parties represented former rebel groups.
Women have held various posts within the government, including
ministerial positions and seats in the national and provincial
assemblies. On the whole, however, discrimination against women and
ethnic minorities remains an ongoing problem.
Ntsomo Payanzo
Bernd Michael Wiese
Dennis D. Cordell
Ed.
Security
Congo’s armed forces consist of an army, a republican guard, a navy
(including infantry and marines), and an air force, with the army the
largest branch. Individuals are eligible for military service between
the ages of 18 and 45.
Health and welfare
In 1960 Congo inherited a difficult medical situation, for there
were no Congolese doctors. The colonial administration had trained
Congolese medical technicians and nurses but had confined medical
practice to European doctors and missionaries. During the first decade
of independence, Congolese medical assistants, technicians, and nurses
attempted to meet the country’s needs. By the late 1970s, most doctors
were Congolese, but their numbers remained low. In 1990 there was a
meagre one doctor for every 15,500 persons. Although this figure
subsequently improved—in 2004 there was one doctor for about every 9,500
persons—the shortage of doctors persisted.
With the limited means at its disposal and the help of international
organizations such as the World Health Organization and the United
Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the government has waged a battle
against the most critical and widespread diseases—measles, tuberculosis,
trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness), leprosy, polio, and HIV/AIDS.
Smallpox was eradicated in 1972. Other efforts made in the later part of
the 20th century included the establishment of special centres and
programs, in both cities and rural areas, to provide maternity and child
care, sanitary education, sanitary improvement of the environment, and
preventive and curative medicine.
In the 1990s and the early 21st century, however, the country
suffered from ever-declining health care standards because of the
protracted civil war. Diseases such as HIV/AIDS, sleeping sickness, and
various types of hemorrhagic fever went largely unchecked, often at
epidemic levels. At the war’s end, millions of people were left homeless
and suffered from starvation and disease.
Housing
In most cases people build their own houses according to their needs
and means. The government has established a department that builds and
rents houses and also sells condominiums, especially in urban areas. In
the cities, real-estate agencies and individuals also build houses and
apartments for rent.
Education
Since independence, government authorities have recognized the value
of education and have promoted it publicly. Years of civil conflict,
however, led to a dramatic decline in government funding for education
and, as a result, a drop in enrollment; related factors—including
internal displacement and the recruitment of youths by militias—also
contributed to the crisis. A program meant to restore access to basic
education was initiated in 2002. Primary education begins at age six and
is compulsory, although it has been difficult for Congo to meet this
pledge because of the diversion of public funds into private pockets, a
lack of facilities, and an inadequate number of teachers. Secondary
education, which begins at age 12 and lasts for six years (two cycles of
two and four years, respectively) is not officially compulsory.
In 1971 the Universities of Kinshasa, Kisangani, and Lubumbashi
merged to create the National University of Zaire, which housed
different departments and fields of study on each campus. This scheme
was terminated in 1981, when the three former universities were
reconstituted as separate, autonomous institutions by the Central
Committee of the MPR. Other universities include Kongo University
(founded in 1990 as the University of Bas-Zaïre) and the University of
Mbuji-Mayi (founded 1990). There are also university institutes in
Kinshasa, Kisangani, Lubumbashi, and Buvaku and two arts academies in
Kinshasa.
Cultural life
Holidays celebrated in Congo include Commemoration of the Martyrs of
Independence, observed on January 4; Labour Day and National Liberation
Day, celebrated on May 1 and May 17, respectively; Independence Day,
celebrated on June 30; Parents’ Day, celebrated on August 1; Youth Day,
observed on October 14; Army Day and the Anniversary of the Second
Republic, observed on November 17 and November 24, respectively; and
Christmas, celebrated on December 25.
The arts
Congo’s many ethnic groups and regions have developed a mosaic of
traditional arts, including painting, sculpture, music, and dance. There
has been a tendency to classify sculpture and carving according to the
styles of the areas from which they originate. The southwest is known
for the stone and nail-studded nkisi statues of the Kongo people and the
masks and figurines of the Yaka. The Kuba, from the south-central
region, are known for ndop, statues created in the likeness of the king
that can serve as a symbolic representative in his absence. . Luba art
dominates the southeast region and reflects the strong influence of
women in society through statuettes depicting motherhood. North of the
Luba, the Lega produce masks and ivories. Zande and Mangbetu art are
included in the northern region. Zande art is characterized by cult
statuettes, spear or bow shafts, and anthropomorphic pottery, while
Mangbetu art features figures with stylized elongated heads. Other folk
traditions include making pottery, weaving raffia, and creating
ceremonial dress.
Several contemporary Congolese authors have received international
acclaim, including the poets Clémentine Madiya Faik-Nzuji, Kama Kamanda,
and Ikole Botuli-Bolumbu; the playwright Ntumb Diur; and the novelists
Timothée Malembe and Paul Désiré-Joseph Basembe. The collection and
conservation of traditional oral literatures also has been important,
and folklorists and ethnographers have produced anthologies of tales
from the Mbuti Pygmies of the Ituri rainforest, proverbs from the Teke,
tall tales from the Ngbaka, and other genres of traditional expression.
Music is by far the art form for which Congo is best known. Kinshasa
is widely regarded as one of the great music centres of the world, and
the influence of Congolese music is felt especially throughout
sub-Saharan Africa. In the 1950s musicians playing in nightclubs in the
Matonge quarter of Kinshasa, foremost among them Kabesele Tshamala and
François Lwambo, forged a style called African jazz (or OK jazz), a
style that went on to influence contemporary musicians around the
continent—and in Europe and North America as well. The rumba and soukous
styles became popular in the 1960s, with performers such as Papa Wemba
and the Grand Zaïko Orchestra eventually earning worldwide followings.
Coupled with their sound were new dance steps such as the cavacha and
silauka, which were widely adapted throughout Africa. The country’s most
revered musical figure is Papa Wendo (Wendo Kolosoy; 1925–2008), a
singer and musician who helped lay the foundations of Congolese rumba
and whose career spanned seven decades. He was coaxed out of retirement
in the late 1990s when African-music enthusiasts rediscovered his 1955
hit “Marie Louise” and urged him to perform again. He later appeared
with his group, the Victoria Bakolo Miziki Orchestra, at festivals
throughout Africa and Europe. The most popular indigenous musical style
today is a blend of Cuban merengue, Congolese rumba, and West African
highlife sounds, reflecting the many influences that meet in Congo.
Cultural institutions
The cities, especially Kinshasa, are the greatest creators,
propagators, and promoters of national cultural life and arts. The
Academy of Fine Arts in Kinshasa offers training programs in painting,
sculpture, carving, architecture, and ceramics. The National Institute
of the Arts offers training in classical as well as traditional music
and drama. Congolese authors write poetry, plays, and novels in French,
Lingala, or local languages.
There are museums and public libraries in most large cities, with
national museums in Kananga, Mbandaka, and Lubumbashi. The capital city
houses the national archives and the National Theatrical Troupe. There
are libraries at each of the universities as well.
Sports and recreation
In precolonial times, the people who lived along the Congo River
enjoyed a number of games and sports that drew competitors from far
afield. These included riverboat racing, which was conducted in long,
low dugout canoes, each powered by two dozen rowers who achieved great
speeds; short- and long-distance running; and wrestling, at which the
Congolese continue to excel. The missionaries who closely followed the
first Europeans into the region introduced volleyball, basketball, and
football (soccer), all of which have remained popular in postcolonial
times, especially football.
Congo’s tradition of excellence in football dates to the early years
of the 20th century, when a Roman Catholic school in Léopoldville (now
Kinshasa) organized the country’s first team. Raphael de la Kethule, a
schoolboy at the time, went on to found the capital’s first sports
association and to build its first stadium in 1937. (In 1974 that
stadium was the site of a famed heavyweight championship fight between
Muhammad Ali and George Foreman known popularly as “the Rumble in the
Jungle.”) Kethule’s association, which soon numbered dozens of clubs,
grew to include not only football but also gymnastics, swimming, water
polo, and tennis. With that firm grounding, Congolese football teams
went on to win the African Nations Cup in 1968 and 1974. Congolese
basketball teams have earned similar honors, winning several Central
African Cup prizes.
Congo organized its national Olympic committee in 1963 and was
recognized by the International Olympic Committee in 1968. It sent a
team to the 1968 Mexico City Games but did not participate in another
Olympiad until the 1984 Los Angeles Games, where it competed under the
name Zaire.
Media and publishing
Radio is the primary media format in Congo; there are numerous
private and public stations, several of which—including Radio-Télévision
Nationale Congolaise (RTNC), which is state run—broadcast throughout the
country. In addition to RTNC’s television programming, a number of
private television stations are also in operation. Publications include
dailies such as Elima, Le Phare, and Le Potential, as well as Mwana
Shaba (a Gécamines publication) and L’Aurore Protestante (a religious
publication), which are issued monthly. Several publishing houses have
been established throughout the country.
Ntsomo Payanzo
Bernd Michael Wiese
Dennis D. Cordell
Ed.
History
The country that began as a king’s private domain (the Congo Free
State), evolved into a colony (the Belgian Congo), became independent in
1960 (as the Republic of the Congo), and later underwent several name
changes (to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, then to Zaire, and
back again to the Democratic Republic of the Congo) is the product of a
complex pattern of historical forces. Some are traceable to the
precolonial past, others to the era of colonial rule, and others still
to the political convulsions that followed in the wake of independence.
All, in one way or another, have left their imprint on Congolese
societies.
Precolonial perspectives
Before experiencing radical transformations in the colonial era,
Congolese societies had already experienced major disruptions. From the
15th to the 17th century several important state systems evolved in the
southern savanna region. The most important were the Kongo kingdom in
the west and the Luba-Lunda states in the east. They developed elaborate
political institutions, buttressed by symbolic kingship and military
force. Power emanated from the capital to outlying areas through
appointed chiefs or local clan heads. Competition for the kingship often
led to civil strife, however, and, with the rise of the slave trade, new
sources of instability influenced regional politics. The history of the
Kongo peoples in the 16th century, for example, is largely the story of
how the Atlantic slave trade created powerful vested interests among
provincial chiefs, which over time undermined the kingdom’s capacity to
resist encroachments by its neighbours. By the late 16th century, the
kingdom had all but succumbed to the attacks of the Imbangala (referred
to as Jaga in contemporary sources), bands of fighters fleeing famine
and drought in the east. Two centuries later fragmentation also
undermined political institutions among the Lunda and the Luba, followed
by attacks from interlopers eager to control trade in slaves and ivory.
In the tropical rainforest the radically different ecological
conditions raised formidable obstacles to state formation. Small-scale
societies, organized into village communities, were the rule. Corporate
groups combining social and economic functions among small numbers of
related and unrelated people formed the dominant mode of organization.
Exchange took place through trade and gift-giving. Over time these
social interactions fostered cultural homogeneity among otherwise
distinctive communities, such as Bantu and Pygmy groups. Bantu
communities absorbed and intermarried with their Pygmy clients, who
brought their skills and crafts into the culture. This predominance of
house and village organization stands in sharp contrast to the more
centralized state structures characteristic of the savanna kingdoms,
which were far more adept at acting in a concerted manner than the
segmented societies in the tropical rainforest. The segmented nature of
the tropical rainforest societies hindered their ability to resist a
full-scale invasion by colonial forces.
In the savanna region, resistance to colonial forces was undermined
by internecine raids and wars that followed the slave trade, by the
increased devastation wrought on African kingdoms when those forces
adopted the use of increasingly sophisticated firearms, and by the
divisions between those who collaborated with outsiders and those who
resisted. The relative ease with which these Congolese societies yielded
to European conquest bears testimony to the magnitude of earlier
upheavals.
The Congo Free State
King Leopold II of the Belgians set in motion the conquest of the
huge domain that was to become his personal fiefdom. The king’s
attention was drawn to the region during British explorer and journalist
Henry Morton Stanley’s exploration of the Congo River in 1874–77. In
November 1878 Leopold formed the Committee for Studies of the Upper
Congo (Comité d’Études du Haut Congo, later renamed Association
Internationale du Congo) to open up the African interior to European
trade along the Congo River. Between 1879 and 1882, under the
committee’s auspices, Stanley established stations on the upper Congo
and opened negotiations with local rulers. By 1884 the Association
Internationale du Congo had signed treaties with 450 independent African
entities and, on that basis, asserted its right to govern all the
territory concerned as an independent state.
Leopold’s thinly veiled colonial ambitions paved the way for the
Berlin West Africa Conference (1884–85), which set the rules for
colonial conquest and sanctioned his control of the Congo River basin
area to be known as the Congo Free State (1885–1908). Armed with a
private mandate from the international community of the time, and under
the guise of his African International Association’s humanitarian
mission of ending slavery and bringing religion and the benefits of
modern life to the Congolese, Leopold created a coercive instrument of
colonial hegemony.
The name Congo Free State is closely identified with the
extraordinary hardships and atrocities visited upon the Congolese masses
in the name of Leopold’s “civilizing mission.” “Without the railroad,”
said Stanley, “the Congo is not worth a penny.” Without recourse to
forced labour, however, the railroad could not be built, and the huge
concessions that had been made to private European companies would not
become profitable, nor could African resistance in the east be overcome
without a massive recruitment of indigenous troops. The cruel logic of
the revenue imperative led Leopold to transform his nascent
administrative system into a machine designed to extract not only the
maximum amount of natural resources from the land but also the maximum
output of labour from the people. In order to secure the labour
necessary to accomplish Leopold’s goals, his agents employed such
methods as kidnapping the families of Congolese men, who were forced to
meet often unrealistic work quotas to secure their families’ release.
Those who tried to rebel were dealt with by Leopold’s private army, the
Force Publique—a band of African soldiers led by European officers—who
burned the villages and slaughtered the families of rebels. The Force
Publique troops were also known for cutting off the hands of the
Congolese, including children; the mutilations served to further
terrorize the Congolese into submission.
In the wake of intense international criticism prompted by exposés by
the American writer Mark Twain, the English journalist E.D. Morel, and
various missionaries, in 1908 the Belgian Parliament voted to annex the
Congo Free State—essentially purchasing the area from King Leopold and
thus placing what was once the king’s personal holding under Belgian
rule. Nevertheless, the destructive impact of the Congo Free State
lasted well beyond its brief history. The widespread social disruption
not only complicated the establishment of a viable system of
administration; it also left a legacy of anti-Western sentiment on which
subsequent generations of nationalists were able to capitalize.
Belgian paternalism and the politics of decolonization
The paternalistic tendencies of Belgian colonial rule bore traces of
two characteristic features of Leopoldian rule: an irreducible tendency
to treat Africans as children and a firm commitment to political control
and compulsion. The elimination of the more brutal aspects of the Congo
Free State notwithstanding, Belgian rule remained conspicuously
unreceptive to political reform. By placing the inculcation of Western
moral principles above political education and apprenticeship for social
responsibility, Belgian policies virtually ruled out initiatives
designed to foster political experience and responsibility.
Not until 1957, with the introduction of a major local government
reform (the so-called statut des villes [“statute of the cities”]), were
Africans afforded a taste of democracy. By then a class of Westernized
Africans (évolués), eager to exercise their political rights beyond the
urban arenas, had arisen. Moreover, heavy demands made upon the rural
masses during the two world wars, coupled with the profound
psychological impact of postwar constitutional reforms introduced in
neighbouring French-speaking territories, created a climate of social
unrest suited for the development of nationalist sentiment and activity.
The publication in 1956 of a political manifesto calling for
immediate independence precipitated the political awakening of the
Congolese population. Penned by a group of Bakongo évolués affiliated
with the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO), an association based in
Léopoldville (now Kinshasa), the manifesto was the response of ABAKO to
the ideas set forth by a young Belgian professor of colonial
legislation, A.A.J. van Bilsen, in his “Thirty-Year Plan for the
Political Emancipation of Belgian Africa.” Far more impatient than its
catalyst, the ABAKO manifesto stated: “Rather than postponing
emancipation for another thirty years, we should be granted
self-government today.”
Under the leadership of Joseph Kasavubu, ABAKO transformed itself
into a vehicle of anticolonial protest. Nationalist sentiment spread
through the lower Congo region, and, in time, the nationalist wave
washed over the rest of the colony. Self-styled nationalist movements
appeared almost overnight in every province. Among the welter of
political parties brought into existence by the statut des villes, the
Congolese National Movement (Mouvement National Congolais; MNC) stood
out as the most powerful force for Congolese nationalism. The MNC never
disavowed its commitment to national unity (unlike ABAKO, whose appeal
was limited to Bakongo elements), and with the arrival of Patrice
Lumumba—a powerful orator, advocate of pan-Africanism, and cofounder of
the MNC—in Léopoldville in 1958 the party entered a militant phase.
The turning point in the process of decolonization came on Jan. 4,
1959, when anti-European rioting erupted in Léopoldville, resulting in
the death of scores of Africans at the hands of the security forces. On
January 13 the Belgian government formally recognized independence as
the ultimate goal of its policies—a goal to be reached “without fatal
procrastination, yet without fatal haste.” By then, however, nationalist
agitation had reached a level of intensity that made it virtually
impossible for the colonial administration to control the course of
events. The Belgian government responded to this growing turbulence by
inviting a broad spectrum of nationalist organizations to a Round Table
Conference in Brussels in January 1960. The aim was to work out the
conditions of a viable transfer of power; the result was an experiment
in instant decolonization. Six months later, on June 30, the Congo
formally acceded to independence and quickly descended into chaos.
The Congo crisis
The triggering events behind the “Congo crisis” were the mutiny of
the army (the Force Publique) near Léopoldville on July 5 and the
subsequent intervention of Belgian paratroopers, ostensibly to protect
the lives of Belgian citizens.
Adding to the confusion was a constitutional impasse that pitted the
new country’s president and prime minister against each other and
brought the Congolese government to a halt. In the Congo’s first
national elections, Lumumba’s MNC party had outpolled Kasavubu’s ABAKO
and its allies, but neither side could form a parliamentary coalition.
As a compromise measure, Kasavubu and Lumumba formed an uneasy
partnership with the former as president and the latter as premier. On
September 5, however, Kasavubu relieved Lumumba of his functions, and
Lumumba responded by dismissing Kasavubu; as a result of the discord,
there were two groups now claiming to be the legal central government.
Meanwhile, on July 11, the country’s richest province, Katanga, had
declared itself independent under the leadership of Moise Tshombe. The
support given by Belgium to the Katanga secession lent credibility to
Lumumba’s claims that Brussels was trying to reimpose its authority, and
on July 12 he and Kasavubu appealed to United Nations (UN)
Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld for UN security assistance.While
intended to pave the way for the restoration of peace and order, the
arrival of the UN peacekeeping force added to the tension between
President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba. Lumumba’s insistence that
the UN should, if necessary, use force to bring Katanga back under
control of the central government met with categorical opposition from
Kasavubu. Lumumba then appealed to the Soviet Union for logistical
assistance to send troops to Katanga. At that point the Congo crisis
became inextricably bound up with East-West animosities in the context
of the Cold War.
As the process of fragmentation set in motion by the Katanga
secession reached its peak, resulting in the breakup of the country into
four separate fragments (Katanga, Kasai, Orientale province, and
Léopoldville), army Chief of Staff Joseph Mobutu (later Mobutu Sese
Seko) took power in a coup d’état: he announced on Sept. 14, 1960, that
the army would henceforth rule with the help of a caretaker government.
The threat posed to the new regime by the forces loyal to Lumumba was
substantially lessened by the capture of Lumumba in December 1960, after
a dramatic escape from Léopoldville the previous month (see Patrice
Lumumba), and by his subsequent execution at the hands of the Tshombe
government. Although Kasavubu had Lumumba arrested and delivered to the
Katanga secessionists, which was intended to pave the way for a
reintegration of the province, it was not until January 1963—and only
after a violent showdown between the European-trained Katanga
gendarmerie and the UN forces—that the secession was decisively crushed.
Another secession challenge emerged on Sept. 7, 1964, when the
pro-Lumumba government in Stanleyville (Kisangani) declared much of
eastern Congo to be the People’s Republic of the Congo; this secession
was brought to heel the next year. Meanwhile, following the convening of
the parliament in Léopoldville, a new civilian government headed by
Cyrille Adoula came to power on Aug. 2, 1961.
Adoula’s inability to deal effectively with the Katanga secession and
his decision to dissolve the parliament in September 1963 critically
undermined his popularity. The dissolution of the parliament contributed
directly to the outbreak of rural insurgencies, which engulfed 5 of 21
provinces between January and August 1964, and raised again the prospect
of a total collapse of the central government. Because of its poor
leadership and fragmented bases of support, however, the rebellion
failed to translate its early military successes into effective
political power; even more important in turning the tide against the
insurgents was decisive intervention by European mercenaries, who helped
the central government regain control over rebel-held areas. Much of the
credit for the survival of the government goes to Tshombe, who by July
10, 1964, had replaced Adoula as prime minister. Ironically, then, a
year and a half after his defeat at the hands of the UN forces, Tshombe,
the most vocal advocate of secession, had emerged as the providential
leader of a besieged central government.
Mobutu’s regime
Mobutu’s second coup, on Nov. 24, 1965, occurred in circumstances
strikingly similar to those that had led to the first—a struggle for
power between the incumbent president, Kasavubu, and his prime minister,
this time Tshombe. Mobutu’s coup saw to the removal of Kasavubu and
Tshombe, and Mobutu himself proceeded to assume the presidency. Unlike
Lumumba, however, Tshombe managed to leave the country unharmed—and
determined to regain power. Rumours that the ousted prime minister was
plotting a comeback from exile in Spain hardened into certainty when in
July 1966 some 2,000 of Tshombe’s former Katanga gendarmes, led by
mercenaries, mutinied in Kisangani. Exactly one year after the crushing
of that first mutiny, a second broke out, again in Kisangani, apparently
triggered by the news that Tshombe’s airplane had been hijacked over the
Mediterranean and forced to land in Algiers, where he was then held
prisoner and later died of a heart attack. Led by a Belgian settler
named Jean Schramme and including approximately 100 former Katanga
gendarmes and about 1,000 Katangese, the mutineers held their ground
against the 32,000-man Congolese National Army (Armée Nationale
Congolaise; ANC) until November 1967, when the mercenaries crossed the
border into Rwanda and surrendered to the local authorities. Schramme
himself later turned up in Brazil, where he remained in spite of
attempts by the Belgian government to have him extradited.
The country settled into a semblance of political stability for the
next several years, allowing Mobutu to focus on his unsuccessful
strategies for economic progress. In 1971 Mobutu renamed the country
Zaire as part of his “authenticity” campaign—his effort to emphasize the
country’s cultural identity. Officially described as “the nation
politically organized,” Mobutu’s MPR, the sole political party from 1970
to 1990, may be better seen as a weakly articulated patronage system.
Mobutu’s effort to extol the virtues of Zairian “authenticity” did
little to lend respectability either to the concept or to the brand of
leadership for which it stood. As befit his chiefly image, Mobutu’s rule
was based on bonds of personal loyalty between himself and his
entourage.
The fragility of Mobutu’s power base was demonstrated in 1977 and
’78, when the country’s main opposition movement, the Congolese National
Liberation Front (Front de la Libération Nationale Congolaise; FLNC),
operating from Angola, launched two major invasions into Shaba (which
Katanga was called from 1972 to 1997). On both occasions external
intervention by friendly governments—primarily Morocco in 1977 and
France in 1978—saved the day, but at the price of many African and
European casualties. Shortly after the capture of the urban centre of
Kolwezi by the FLNC in May 1978, an estimated 100 Europeans lost their
lives at the hands of the rebels and the ANC. Apart from the role played
by the FLNC in spearheading the invasions, the sharp deterioration of
the Zairian economy after 1975, coupled with the rapid growth of
anti-Mobutu sentiment among the poor and the unemployed, was a crucial
factor in the near success of the invasions of Shaba. The timing of the
first Shaba invasion, a full 11 years after the creation of the Popular
Movement of the Revolution (Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution; MPR)
in 1966, underscored the shortcomings of the single-party state as a
vehicle for national integration and of “Mobutism” as an ideology for
the legitimization of Mobutu’s regime.
Circumstances changed dramatically with the end of the Cold War in
the early 1990s. Former supporters on the international scene, such as
the United States, France, and Belgium, pressed for democratic reforms;
some even openly supported Mobutu’s rivals. In April 1990 Mobutu did
decide to lift the ban on opposition parties, but he followed that
liberalizing act with the brutal repression of student protests at the
University of Lubumbashi in May—resulting in the death of 50 to 150
students, according to Amnesty International. In 1991 France reduced its
monetary aid to the country, U.S. diplomats criticized Mobutu before the
U.S. Congress, and the World Bank cut ties with Mobutu following his
appropriation of $400 million from Gécamines, the state mining
corporation.
Mobutu grudgingly agreed to relinquish some power in 1991: he
convened a national conference that resulted in the formation of a
coalition group, the High Council of the Republic (Haut Conseil de la
République; HCR), a provisional body charged with overseeing the
country’s transfer to a multiparty democracy. The HCR selected Étienne
Tshisekedi as prime minister. Tshisekedi, an ethnic Luba from the
diamond-rich Kasaï-Oriental province, was known as a dissident as early
as 1980, when he and a small group of parliamentarians charged the army
with having massacred some 300 diamond miners. Tshisekedi’s renewed
prominence highlighted the key role that natural resources continued to
play in national politics.
Meanwhile, Mobutu, resistant to the transfer of authority to
Tshisekedi, maneuvered to pit groups within the HCR against each
another. He also ensured the support of military units by giving them
the right to plunder whole regions of the country and certain sectors of
the economy. Eventually these maneuvers undermined Tshisekedi and
resuscitated the regime; Mobutu reached an agreement with the
opposition, and Kengo wa Dondo became prime minister in 1994. Mobutu
agreed to government reforms set forth in the Transitional
Constitutional Act (1994), but real reforms and promised elections never
took place.
The Rwandan crisis of 1993–94—rooted in long-running tensions between
that country’s two major ethnic groups, the Hutu and the Tutsi—and the
ensuing genocide (during which more than 800,000 civilians, primarily
Tutsi, were killed) afforded Mobutu an opportunity to mend his
relationships with the Western powers. Following the late-1993 invasion
of Rwanda by the forces of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (Front
Patriotique Rwandais; FPR), a Tutsi-led Rwandan exile organization,
Mobutu offered logistical and military support to the French and Belgian
troops who intervened to support the Hutu-led Rwandan government. This
move renewed relations with France and ultimately led Belgium and the
United States to reopen diplomatic channels with Mobutu. Business
ventures that promised foreign firms privileged access to the country’s
resources and state enterprises further bolstered external support.
Mobutu also encouraged attacks against Zairians of Rwandan Tutsi
origin living in the eastern part of the country; this was one of the
maneuvers that ultimately sowed the seeds of his downfall. The attacks,
coupled with Mobutu’s support of a faction of Hutu (exiled in Zaire) who
opposed the Rwandan government, ultimately led local Tutsi and the
government of Rwanda to join forces with Mobutu’s opponent Laurent
Kabila and his Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of
Congo-Zaire (Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du
Congo-Zaïre; AFDL). Kabila’s opposition forces also gained the backing
of the governments of Angola and Uganda, as Mobutu had supported rebel
movements within those countries. (Mobutu’s associates had engaged in
diamond trafficking with National Union for the Total Independence of
Angola [UNITA] rebels; Mobutu also had allowed supplies for Ugandan
rebels to be transported via a Zairian airport.)
In October 1996, while Mobutu was abroad for cancer treatment, Kabila
and his supporters launched an offensive from bases in the east and
subsequently captured Bukavu and Goma, a city on the shore of Lake Kivu.
Mobutu returned to the country in December but failed to stabilize the
situation. The rebels continued to advance, and on March 15, 1997,
Kisangani fell, followed by Mbuji-Mayi and Lubumbashi in early April.
South African-backed negotiations between Mobutu and Kabila in early May
quickly failed, and the victorious forces of the AFDL entered the
capital on May 17, 1997. By this time, Mobutu had fled. He died in exile
a few months later.
René Lemarchand
Dennis D. Cordell
Ed.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo
Following Mobutu’s departure, Kabila assumed the presidency and
restored the country’s previous name, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. Kabila initially was able to attract foreign aid and provided
some order and relief to the country’s decimated economy. He also
initiated the drafting of a new constitution. The outward appearance of
moving toward democracy conflicted with the reality of the situation:
Kabila held the bulk of power and did not tolerate criticism or
opposition. Political parties and public demonstrations were banned
almost immediately following Kabila’s takeover of the government, and
his administration was accused of human rights abuse.
In August 1998 the new leader himself was plagued by a rebellion in
the country’s eastern provinces—supported by some of Kabila’s former
allies. The rebellion marked the start of what became a devastating
five-year civil war that drew in several countries. By the end of 1998,
the rebels, backed by the Ugandan and Rwandan governments, controlled
roughly one-third of the country. Kabila’s government received support
from the Angolan, Namibian, and Zimbabwean governments in its fight
against the rebels. A cease-fire and the deployment of UN peacekeeping
forces were among the provisions of the 1999 Lusaka Peace Accord, an
agreement intended to end the hostilities. Although it was eventually
signed by most parties involved in the conflict, the accord was not
fully implemented, and fighting continued. Meanwhile, long-standing
ethnic tensions between the Hema and the Lendu peoples erupted into
violence in the Ituri district in the eastern part of the country; this
was further complicated by rebel involvement and other political and
economic factors, spawning an additional conflict in a region already
mired in the civil war.
Kabila was assassinated in January 2001. He was succeeded by his son,
Joseph, who immediately declared his commitment to finding a peaceful
end to the war. Soon after Joseph Kabila assumed power, the Rwandan and
Ugandan governments and the rebels agreed to a UN-proposed pull-out
plan, but it was never fully actualized. Finally, in December 2002, an
agreement reached in Pretoria, S.Af., provided for the establishment of
a power-sharing transitional government and an end to the war; this
agreement was ratified in April 2003. A transitional constitution also
was adopted that month, and an interim government was inaugurated in
July, with Kabila as president. UN peacekeeping troops continued to
maintain a presence in the country.
Although the civil war was technically over, the country was
devastated. It was estimated that more than three million people had
been killed; those who survived were left to struggle with homelessness,
starvation, and disease. The new government was fragile; the economy was
in shambles; and societal infrastructure had been destroyed. With
international assistance, Kabila was able to make considerable progress
toward reforming the economy and began the work of rebuilding the
country. However, his government was not able to exercise any real
control over much of the country; he had to cope with fighting that
remained in the east, as well as two failed coup attempts in 2004.
Nevertheless, a new, formal constitution was promulgated in 2006, and
Kabila was victorious in presidential elections held later that year.
In January 2008 a peace agreement aimed at ending the fighting in the
eastern part of the country was signed by the government and more than
20 rebel groups. The fragile truce was broken later that year when
rebels led by Laurent Nkunda renewed their attacks, displacing tens of
thousands of residents and international aid workers. In January 2009
Congolese and Rwandan troops together launched an offensive against
rebel groups in the east. They forced Nkunda to flee across the border
into Rwanda, where he was arrested and indicted for war crimes by the
Congolese government. In May 2009 further efforts to resolve the
continuing conflict in the east included an amnesty extended to a number
of militant groups there.
Ed.